The evolution of South Africa’s regional leadership in Africa : from Mbeki to Zuma – 1999 to 2018
- Authors: Mutenje, Thulani
- Date: 2018
- Subjects: Regionalism (International organization) , Regionalism - Africa , Africa - Foreign relations - 21st century , South Africa - Politics and government, 1994-
- Language: English
- Type: Masters (Thesis)
- Identifier: http://hdl.handle.net/10210/296407 , uj:32293
- Description: Abstract: With the end of apartheid in 1994, international expectations were that South Africa would undertake a role in regional leadership at both a sub-regional and continental level. Paradoxically, South Africa has pursued roles at the continental level that would constitute it as regional leader in Africa, it has never formally accepted or adopted the role of regional leader in Africa. This qualitative research study enquires into South Africa’s regional leadership and its pivotal role in Africa. Through an examination of the presidencies of Thabo Mbeki and Jacob Zuma, as well as former president Nelson Mandela to a lesser extent, the study has managed to describe the evolution of South Africa's foreign policy. Thus, the problem statement and rationale of this research study will be hinged on the evolution of South Africa’s regional leadership from a multilateral to a unilateral approach towards continental leadership in Africa. The main research question is: why has South Africa failed to live up to the promise of a continental leader? Regardless of Pretoria’s seeming optimism towards regional leadership in Africa, Pretoria’s capacity to realise its leadership role in Africa is greatly undercut by a host of factors. Some of these factors include South Africa’s shift from multilateralism to unilateralism, recurrence of xenophobic attacks on African migrants, fear of hegemonic and bullying attitude and South Africa’s leadership inconstancies in Africa. For an easy conceptualisation of the regional leadership narrative, a constructivist approach was followed, with the use of positioning theory. A theory that emphasises the role of storylines and narratives. The concepts of leader initiated leadership and follower-initiated leadership were also discussed. The main concepts from the theoretical framework are willingness, acceptance and capacity. An interesting finding is that South Africa’s willingness to be a regional leader is more pronounced outside of Africa. The study pointed out some suggestions for further study of this topic. They are some gaps that were identified in the literature review in Chapter 2, which are regarded as indispensable in this research study and they may contribute to the development of the body of literature. However, the debate is whether South Africa should make a U-turn to Mbeki’s multilateral approach or it should continue with Zuma's unilateral approach. Given the misgivings and misfiring that was demonstrated in Zuma's unilateral approach, this research study recommends a U-turn from Zuma's unilateral approach to Mbeki's multilateral and collective leadership in Africa. , M.A.
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- Authors: Mutenje, Thulani
- Date: 2018
- Subjects: Regionalism (International organization) , Regionalism - Africa , Africa - Foreign relations - 21st century , South Africa - Politics and government, 1994-
- Language: English
- Type: Masters (Thesis)
- Identifier: http://hdl.handle.net/10210/296407 , uj:32293
- Description: Abstract: With the end of apartheid in 1994, international expectations were that South Africa would undertake a role in regional leadership at both a sub-regional and continental level. Paradoxically, South Africa has pursued roles at the continental level that would constitute it as regional leader in Africa, it has never formally accepted or adopted the role of regional leader in Africa. This qualitative research study enquires into South Africa’s regional leadership and its pivotal role in Africa. Through an examination of the presidencies of Thabo Mbeki and Jacob Zuma, as well as former president Nelson Mandela to a lesser extent, the study has managed to describe the evolution of South Africa's foreign policy. Thus, the problem statement and rationale of this research study will be hinged on the evolution of South Africa’s regional leadership from a multilateral to a unilateral approach towards continental leadership in Africa. The main research question is: why has South Africa failed to live up to the promise of a continental leader? Regardless of Pretoria’s seeming optimism towards regional leadership in Africa, Pretoria’s capacity to realise its leadership role in Africa is greatly undercut by a host of factors. Some of these factors include South Africa’s shift from multilateralism to unilateralism, recurrence of xenophobic attacks on African migrants, fear of hegemonic and bullying attitude and South Africa’s leadership inconstancies in Africa. For an easy conceptualisation of the regional leadership narrative, a constructivist approach was followed, with the use of positioning theory. A theory that emphasises the role of storylines and narratives. The concepts of leader initiated leadership and follower-initiated leadership were also discussed. The main concepts from the theoretical framework are willingness, acceptance and capacity. An interesting finding is that South Africa’s willingness to be a regional leader is more pronounced outside of Africa. The study pointed out some suggestions for further study of this topic. They are some gaps that were identified in the literature review in Chapter 2, which are regarded as indispensable in this research study and they may contribute to the development of the body of literature. However, the debate is whether South Africa should make a U-turn to Mbeki’s multilateral approach or it should continue with Zuma's unilateral approach. Given the misgivings and misfiring that was demonstrated in Zuma's unilateral approach, this research study recommends a U-turn from Zuma's unilateral approach to Mbeki's multilateral and collective leadership in Africa. , M.A.
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An appraisal of the post 1994 ANC-in-government : an application of the political theory of Michael Oakeshott
- Wolmarans, Frederik Gerhardus
- Authors: Wolmarans, Frederik Gerhardus
- Date: 2011-10-11T07:39:06Z
- Subjects: Oakeshott, Michael Joseph , African National Congress , South Africa - Politics and government, 1994-
- Type: Thesis
- Identifier: http://ujcontent.uj.ac.za8080/10210/376457 , uj:7238 , http://hdl.handle.net/10210/3892
- Description: D.Litt. et Phil. , This study focuses on the political theory of Michael Oakeshott in whose work we find a comprehensive and coherent theoretical understanding of the modern state and government. The modern state, according to Oakeshott, possesses a dual character because it entails a synthesis between what he calls an enterprise association understanding of the state and a civil association understanding. Both of these co-exist in the modern appreciation of the state, with the one ameliorating the excesses of the other. Oakeshott believes this duality provides the best possible framework for a theoretical appraisal of the modern state. Based on this framework the unique character of an individual state, such as South Africa, can be assessed in terms of the position of its contingent understanding in relation to these two different views. In his consideration of this hybrid character of the state, Oakeshott notes that the rationalistically inclined enterprise association view currently seems to dominate within the field of politics. Such a dominance, if pushed too far, would undermine the coherence of the modern state, whose stability depends on the continued coexistence of both a civil and an enterprise understanding. In this study, the post-1994 ANC government in South Africa will be appraised in light of Oakeshott’s understanding of the modern state. The question as to the dominance, or not, of an enterprise association view of the state and government within the ANC will be assessed. Consideration will be given to the ANC’s understanding of its role and function as government and of its view of the broader association called the South African state. Here I will assess the role and influence of historical circumstances, and also, those key ideas that give intellectual organisation to ANC politics and inform both the responsibilities that the ANC feels it has to fulfil and the goals that it sets for itself and for the society at large. Finally, the implications of the identified enterprise character of the ANC government will be assessed in terms of its impact on the broader South African state and society.
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- Authors: Wolmarans, Frederik Gerhardus
- Date: 2011-10-11T07:39:06Z
- Subjects: Oakeshott, Michael Joseph , African National Congress , South Africa - Politics and government, 1994-
- Type: Thesis
- Identifier: http://ujcontent.uj.ac.za8080/10210/376457 , uj:7238 , http://hdl.handle.net/10210/3892
- Description: D.Litt. et Phil. , This study focuses on the political theory of Michael Oakeshott in whose work we find a comprehensive and coherent theoretical understanding of the modern state and government. The modern state, according to Oakeshott, possesses a dual character because it entails a synthesis between what he calls an enterprise association understanding of the state and a civil association understanding. Both of these co-exist in the modern appreciation of the state, with the one ameliorating the excesses of the other. Oakeshott believes this duality provides the best possible framework for a theoretical appraisal of the modern state. Based on this framework the unique character of an individual state, such as South Africa, can be assessed in terms of the position of its contingent understanding in relation to these two different views. In his consideration of this hybrid character of the state, Oakeshott notes that the rationalistically inclined enterprise association view currently seems to dominate within the field of politics. Such a dominance, if pushed too far, would undermine the coherence of the modern state, whose stability depends on the continued coexistence of both a civil and an enterprise understanding. In this study, the post-1994 ANC government in South Africa will be appraised in light of Oakeshott’s understanding of the modern state. The question as to the dominance, or not, of an enterprise association view of the state and government within the ANC will be assessed. Consideration will be given to the ANC’s understanding of its role and function as government and of its view of the broader association called the South African state. Here I will assess the role and influence of historical circumstances, and also, those key ideas that give intellectual organisation to ANC politics and inform both the responsibilities that the ANC feels it has to fulfil and the goals that it sets for itself and for the society at large. Finally, the implications of the identified enterprise character of the ANC government will be assessed in terms of its impact on the broader South African state and society.
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Assessing the quality of democracy in South Africa, 1999-2012
- Authors: Graham, Victoria Louise
- Date: 2013-04-10
- Subjects: Democracy - South Africa , South Africa - Politics and government, 1994-
- Type: Thesis
- Identifier: uj:7435 , http://hdl.handle.net/10210/8293
- Description: D.Litt. et Phil. (Politics) , In recent years, growing concerns over the strength of South Africa’s democracy appear to indicate a population increasingly disillusioned and dissatisfied with the quality of its implementation. The overall purpose of this study was to assess the quality of democracy in South Africa after 17 years of democracy and in so doing, to ascertain whether or not this growing perception is valid. The study is essentially an audit of South Africa’s democracy (with a personally derived method of scoring included) and utilises two existing analytical frameworks of democracy assessment, International IDEA’s State of Democracy framework and Leonardo Morlino’s tool for empirical research on democratic qualities, TODEM. The strengths of these two international frameworks are adapted to be applicable specifically to an assessment of South Africa’s democracy. The assessment is based on an analysis of primary and secondary literature and is informed by formal personal interviews and informal personal discussions with identified experts in the various democratic dimensions under assessment. Personal scoring is then based on the qualitative information derived together with the input from these experts which points to shortcomings, deficiencies, achievements and successes in South Africa’s democracy. A definition of democracy is identified followed by four pillars of democracy assessment against which to evaluate South Africa’s democracy: the rule of law and institutional capacity; representative and accountable government; civil society and popular participation; and freedom and equality. Within each pillar, several dimensions are identified, which in turn, comprise several indicators. Overarching considerations are borne in mind throughout the assessment as well as guiding questions that narrow the focus. In terms of the overall categorisation of quality democracy used in the study, that is, ‘low’ (very low presence and application of indicators in general - inefficient democracy); ‘low to medium’(low presence and application of indicators in some of the dimensions but some signs of efficiency in one or more of the other dimensions); ‘medium’ (indicators are present and applied for the most part; possible inertia must be avoided in favour of vigorous and conscientious action to improve on significant problem areas); ‘medium to high’ (indicators are present in most dimensions and are effectively guaranteed in practice barring a few problems); and ‘high’ (indicators are strongly present and fully applied across all dimensions – indicative of a robust, healthy democracy), it was found that South Africa places at the high end of ‘medium’ quality democracy - a positive finding especially given that only 17 years have transpired since the country’s democratisation. This means, therefore, that despite problems, indicators of quality democracy are present for the most part in most dimensions and are effectively guaranteed in practice. Several of the most notable are, namely: consistently free and fair elections; a strong rule of law and independent judiciary; significantly improved participation of women in political life; a dynamic civil society; comprehensive civil and political rights; and a vigilant media actively engaged in its watchdog role. However, where problems do remain, it is essentially as a result of a lack of effective implementation of existing procedural elements. The areas in which South Africa has performed the worst thus far and which therefore present the most challenges in need of improvement are with regard to poor levels of individual security; high levels of corruption, negative effects of cadre deployment; continued existence of discrimination, spreading poverty and inequality; and lack of efficient governance at local level in particular. It is evident that the government must build on the successes achieved and take vigorous action to improve on the identified problem areas in order to continue to strengthen the quality of South Africa’s democracy.
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- Authors: Graham, Victoria Louise
- Date: 2013-04-10
- Subjects: Democracy - South Africa , South Africa - Politics and government, 1994-
- Type: Thesis
- Identifier: uj:7435 , http://hdl.handle.net/10210/8293
- Description: D.Litt. et Phil. (Politics) , In recent years, growing concerns over the strength of South Africa’s democracy appear to indicate a population increasingly disillusioned and dissatisfied with the quality of its implementation. The overall purpose of this study was to assess the quality of democracy in South Africa after 17 years of democracy and in so doing, to ascertain whether or not this growing perception is valid. The study is essentially an audit of South Africa’s democracy (with a personally derived method of scoring included) and utilises two existing analytical frameworks of democracy assessment, International IDEA’s State of Democracy framework and Leonardo Morlino’s tool for empirical research on democratic qualities, TODEM. The strengths of these two international frameworks are adapted to be applicable specifically to an assessment of South Africa’s democracy. The assessment is based on an analysis of primary and secondary literature and is informed by formal personal interviews and informal personal discussions with identified experts in the various democratic dimensions under assessment. Personal scoring is then based on the qualitative information derived together with the input from these experts which points to shortcomings, deficiencies, achievements and successes in South Africa’s democracy. A definition of democracy is identified followed by four pillars of democracy assessment against which to evaluate South Africa’s democracy: the rule of law and institutional capacity; representative and accountable government; civil society and popular participation; and freedom and equality. Within each pillar, several dimensions are identified, which in turn, comprise several indicators. Overarching considerations are borne in mind throughout the assessment as well as guiding questions that narrow the focus. In terms of the overall categorisation of quality democracy used in the study, that is, ‘low’ (very low presence and application of indicators in general - inefficient democracy); ‘low to medium’(low presence and application of indicators in some of the dimensions but some signs of efficiency in one or more of the other dimensions); ‘medium’ (indicators are present and applied for the most part; possible inertia must be avoided in favour of vigorous and conscientious action to improve on significant problem areas); ‘medium to high’ (indicators are present in most dimensions and are effectively guaranteed in practice barring a few problems); and ‘high’ (indicators are strongly present and fully applied across all dimensions – indicative of a robust, healthy democracy), it was found that South Africa places at the high end of ‘medium’ quality democracy - a positive finding especially given that only 17 years have transpired since the country’s democratisation. This means, therefore, that despite problems, indicators of quality democracy are present for the most part in most dimensions and are effectively guaranteed in practice. Several of the most notable are, namely: consistently free and fair elections; a strong rule of law and independent judiciary; significantly improved participation of women in political life; a dynamic civil society; comprehensive civil and political rights; and a vigilant media actively engaged in its watchdog role. However, where problems do remain, it is essentially as a result of a lack of effective implementation of existing procedural elements. The areas in which South Africa has performed the worst thus far and which therefore present the most challenges in need of improvement are with regard to poor levels of individual security; high levels of corruption, negative effects of cadre deployment; continued existence of discrimination, spreading poverty and inequality; and lack of efficient governance at local level in particular. It is evident that the government must build on the successes achieved and take vigorous action to improve on the identified problem areas in order to continue to strengthen the quality of South Africa’s democracy.
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South Africa’s voting behaviour in the United Nations, 1994-2008
- Authors: Graham, Suzanne Elizabeth
- Date: 2013-04-10
- Subjects: Voting research - South Africa , United Nations - South Africa , South Africa - Foreign relations, 1994- , South Africa - Politics and government, 1994-
- Type: Thesis
- Identifier: uj:7436 , http://hdl.handle.net/10210/8294
- Description: D.Litt. et Phil. (Politics) , This study places on record South Africa‟s UN voting data from 1994 to 2008. It also investigates consistency in terms of South Africa‟s declared foreign policy and its actual voting practices at the UN during that period. The voting data and related speeches are drawn from the UN‟s Index to Speeches available through the UN Documentation Centre as well as from an examination of the recorded votes in the UN Index to Proceedings and the United Nations Bibliographic Information System (UNBISnet) – the two main databases concerning voting records in the UN and found in the Dag Hammarskjold online library. Using its own three-step model of voting behaviour, the study traces South Africa‟s declared foreign policy on selected issues in the first step; the Republic‟s voting actions on the issues in the second step, and then interpretations of the voting actions taken in the final step. By organising the voting data in this way, the study intends to make the examination of South Africa‟s voting behaviour within this multilateral forum more manageable. The model is applied to four themes identified as prominent within South Africa‟s foreign policy in the years under review. A table is also employed to assess if the voting is inconsistent, partly consistent or consistent with the declared policy under review. The Republic‟s voting behaviour is examined with regard to the following four themes: the promotion of human rights and democracy; disarmament and related non-proliferation issues; the advancement of African interests and the consolidation of the African Agenda within the context of North-South relations, and reform of the UN and the promotion of equitable global governance. The study concludes that between 1994 and 2008 there was congruity between South Africa‟s declared foreign policy and its UN voting behaviour in most respects. The Republic was mostly consistent on issues of UN reform, followed by the promotion of African interests, then disarmament issues and lastly with regard to human rights and democracy promotion. It is evident that South Africa has stumbled at times and sidelined certain principles, human rights promotion in specific countries most especially. It could be said that South Africa‟s foreign policy evolved from one unsure how to deal with human rights issues at the UN, to one rooted firmly in nurturing solidarity with its Southern partners in Africa and the rest of the world. This reflects a young democracy finding its way in the multilateral organisation and attempting to balance external expectations of the Republic with its foreign policy priorities. Overall South Africa demonstrated a fair commitment to its declared foreign policy, and principles, in its UN voting behaviour.
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- Authors: Graham, Suzanne Elizabeth
- Date: 2013-04-10
- Subjects: Voting research - South Africa , United Nations - South Africa , South Africa - Foreign relations, 1994- , South Africa - Politics and government, 1994-
- Type: Thesis
- Identifier: uj:7436 , http://hdl.handle.net/10210/8294
- Description: D.Litt. et Phil. (Politics) , This study places on record South Africa‟s UN voting data from 1994 to 2008. It also investigates consistency in terms of South Africa‟s declared foreign policy and its actual voting practices at the UN during that period. The voting data and related speeches are drawn from the UN‟s Index to Speeches available through the UN Documentation Centre as well as from an examination of the recorded votes in the UN Index to Proceedings and the United Nations Bibliographic Information System (UNBISnet) – the two main databases concerning voting records in the UN and found in the Dag Hammarskjold online library. Using its own three-step model of voting behaviour, the study traces South Africa‟s declared foreign policy on selected issues in the first step; the Republic‟s voting actions on the issues in the second step, and then interpretations of the voting actions taken in the final step. By organising the voting data in this way, the study intends to make the examination of South Africa‟s voting behaviour within this multilateral forum more manageable. The model is applied to four themes identified as prominent within South Africa‟s foreign policy in the years under review. A table is also employed to assess if the voting is inconsistent, partly consistent or consistent with the declared policy under review. The Republic‟s voting behaviour is examined with regard to the following four themes: the promotion of human rights and democracy; disarmament and related non-proliferation issues; the advancement of African interests and the consolidation of the African Agenda within the context of North-South relations, and reform of the UN and the promotion of equitable global governance. The study concludes that between 1994 and 2008 there was congruity between South Africa‟s declared foreign policy and its UN voting behaviour in most respects. The Republic was mostly consistent on issues of UN reform, followed by the promotion of African interests, then disarmament issues and lastly with regard to human rights and democracy promotion. It is evident that South Africa has stumbled at times and sidelined certain principles, human rights promotion in specific countries most especially. It could be said that South Africa‟s foreign policy evolved from one unsure how to deal with human rights issues at the UN, to one rooted firmly in nurturing solidarity with its Southern partners in Africa and the rest of the world. This reflects a young democracy finding its way in the multilateral organisation and attempting to balance external expectations of the Republic with its foreign policy priorities. Overall South Africa demonstrated a fair commitment to its declared foreign policy, and principles, in its UN voting behaviour.
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The Pan-African ideal under a new lens : the contributions of Thabo Mbeki of South Africa and Muammar Gaddafi of Libya 1994-2008
- Authors: Suhfree, Cletus Suh
- Date: 2019
- Subjects: Pan Africanism , Mbeki, Thabo , South Africa - Politics and government, 1994- , Gaddafi, Muammar
- Language: English
- Type: Masters (Thesis)
- Identifier: http://hdl.handle.net/10210/411111 , uj:34534
- Description: Abstract: During the period when African countries struggled to gain independence, they embraced the ideology and philosophy of Pan-Africanism that would finally unite the continent as a single unit in the fight against Western imperialism. This struggle that began long before the 1950s can be considered as one of the most significant for people of colour worldwide. It became a time when the ‘black’ race worldwide united against a common enemy, system and policy; and perhaps the highest moment witnessed in history where Africans in the diaspora, like WEB DuBois and Africans on the continent, such as Kwame Nkrumah, achieved solidarity. Williams (2005: 174) iterates that the concept of Pan-Africanism is incomplete if it is not traced as far back as the times of slavery and colonialism where “brothers and sisters of the continent were stolen”. He goes on to highlight the critical role of African warriors like Yaa Asantewaa of the Gold Coast (today’s Ghana) and King Chaka of the Zulu of South Africa whose resistance against Western invasion of Africa was tantamount. When Pan-Africanism became the key hope for Africans, the United States of America (the New World) and the West Indies became the first to implement strategies towards liberating the black race from the bondage of slavery and colonialism. This dissertation concerns itself with 21st century Pan-Africanism, wherein it throws light on the continental political body, the African Union (AU) as well as examining the role played by two distinct ‘sons’ of the union and Pan-Africanist thought leaders in their own rights: Thabo Mbeki, former President of South Africa, and the late Libyan head of state Muammar Gaddafi. From 1994-2008, the dissertation examines their ideals and contributions towards emancipating the people of African descent across the world and on the continent of Africa from foreign control and domination. The study investigates if indeed Mbeki and Gaddafi contributed enough to earn the description of ‘the New Lens' of Pan-Africanism vis-à-vis defending the continent against foreign exploitation, control and domination. The reader is expected to grasp from the dissertation what new impetus Mbeki and Gaddafi caused drawing from the historical development of Pan-African activities which began as a mere concept in the London conference of 1900. One of the hosts at this conference was Henry Sylvester Williams of the West Indies. After London, Pan-Africanist movements eventually sprouted across the diaspora and Africa, particularly after World War I. The role of Du Bois ‘the Father of Pan-Africanism’ is discussed in this study. The study as well deliberates on the Pan-African Congresses and Conferences which paved the way for Pan-African ideals and philosophies among the black race globally. It examines the role of Africans like Nkrumah who became a leading African politician, nationalist and future leader by embracing Pan-Africanist ideals. Moreover, this study examines the Pan-African ideals and contributions of Mbeki and Gaddafi in detail. , M.A. (Politics and International Relations)
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- Authors: Suhfree, Cletus Suh
- Date: 2019
- Subjects: Pan Africanism , Mbeki, Thabo , South Africa - Politics and government, 1994- , Gaddafi, Muammar
- Language: English
- Type: Masters (Thesis)
- Identifier: http://hdl.handle.net/10210/411111 , uj:34534
- Description: Abstract: During the period when African countries struggled to gain independence, they embraced the ideology and philosophy of Pan-Africanism that would finally unite the continent as a single unit in the fight against Western imperialism. This struggle that began long before the 1950s can be considered as one of the most significant for people of colour worldwide. It became a time when the ‘black’ race worldwide united against a common enemy, system and policy; and perhaps the highest moment witnessed in history where Africans in the diaspora, like WEB DuBois and Africans on the continent, such as Kwame Nkrumah, achieved solidarity. Williams (2005: 174) iterates that the concept of Pan-Africanism is incomplete if it is not traced as far back as the times of slavery and colonialism where “brothers and sisters of the continent were stolen”. He goes on to highlight the critical role of African warriors like Yaa Asantewaa of the Gold Coast (today’s Ghana) and King Chaka of the Zulu of South Africa whose resistance against Western invasion of Africa was tantamount. When Pan-Africanism became the key hope for Africans, the United States of America (the New World) and the West Indies became the first to implement strategies towards liberating the black race from the bondage of slavery and colonialism. This dissertation concerns itself with 21st century Pan-Africanism, wherein it throws light on the continental political body, the African Union (AU) as well as examining the role played by two distinct ‘sons’ of the union and Pan-Africanist thought leaders in their own rights: Thabo Mbeki, former President of South Africa, and the late Libyan head of state Muammar Gaddafi. From 1994-2008, the dissertation examines their ideals and contributions towards emancipating the people of African descent across the world and on the continent of Africa from foreign control and domination. The study investigates if indeed Mbeki and Gaddafi contributed enough to earn the description of ‘the New Lens' of Pan-Africanism vis-à-vis defending the continent against foreign exploitation, control and domination. The reader is expected to grasp from the dissertation what new impetus Mbeki and Gaddafi caused drawing from the historical development of Pan-African activities which began as a mere concept in the London conference of 1900. One of the hosts at this conference was Henry Sylvester Williams of the West Indies. After London, Pan-Africanist movements eventually sprouted across the diaspora and Africa, particularly after World War I. The role of Du Bois ‘the Father of Pan-Africanism’ is discussed in this study. The study as well deliberates on the Pan-African Congresses and Conferences which paved the way for Pan-African ideals and philosophies among the black race globally. It examines the role of Africans like Nkrumah who became a leading African politician, nationalist and future leader by embracing Pan-Africanist ideals. Moreover, this study examines the Pan-African ideals and contributions of Mbeki and Gaddafi in detail. , M.A. (Politics and International Relations)
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