The participation of ethnic minorities in public affairs : a case study of the Batwa in Uganda
- Authors: Mulindwa, Paul
- Date: 2019
- Subjects: Batwa (African people) - Uganda - Politics and government , Batwa (African people) - Political activity - Uganda , Minorities - Political activity - Uganda , Democracy - Uganda
- Language: English
- Type: Doctoral (Thesis)
- Identifier: http://hdl.handle.net/10210/295705 , uj:32207
- Description: D.Litt. et Phil. (Political Studies) , Abstract: Uganda has plausible legal and policy mechanisms which enable its citizens to engage in public participation. However, ethnic minority communities, such as the Batwa of south-west Uganda, have consistently been left out and increasingly excluded and marginalised – socially, culturally, politically, and economically – from public participation at all levels of public engagements. This thesis, therefore, focuses on marginalisation of the Batwa from public participation in Uganda. Originally, the Batwa lived and got their sustance from the forest. However, their livelihoods intensely changed for the worst following their eviction, in 1991, from their traditional land by the Ugandan Government in favour of conservation projects to protect mountain gorillas and forest conservation. Today, the Batwa live as as a despised, excluded, and marginalised community. Their culture, identity and language have come under an increasing threat of extinction. It is surprising that in the 21st century, with a plethora of human rights instruments, Batwa, for the last two decades, have experienced and continue to face human rights violations, including lack of effective participation in public affairs. In the contemporary society underlined by human rights and rule of law values, there are increasing demands to involve citizens, particularly ethnic minorities, in public affairs. Such demands have laergely dominated the governance discourse and become the litmus test for any democratic process at state level. This has given rise to theories such as minority democracy theory and participatory democracy theory that underpin this study. The common usage of representative democracy (minority democracy theory) largely practiced in Uganda in most governance structures, has tended to facilitate multiple marginalisation of Batwa. In this thesis, I look at the non-participation of the Batwa in public affairs and how it is associated with their current state of affairs that is characterised by poverty, eviction from their ancestral land, lack of social services, and the day-to-day gross human rights violations they are subjected to. These are juxtaposed with democratic theories and principles of effective participation, inclusion, and consultations. The thesis also discusses factors responsible for the current situation of the Batwa, despite the fact that the Ugandan legal and policy framework enshrines provisions that aim to secure human rights of ethnic minorities, notwithstanding obligations derived from binding regional and international legal framework and instruments, which confer on Ugandans tripartite...
- Full Text:
- Authors: Mulindwa, Paul
- Date: 2019
- Subjects: Batwa (African people) - Uganda - Politics and government , Batwa (African people) - Political activity - Uganda , Minorities - Political activity - Uganda , Democracy - Uganda
- Language: English
- Type: Doctoral (Thesis)
- Identifier: http://hdl.handle.net/10210/295705 , uj:32207
- Description: D.Litt. et Phil. (Political Studies) , Abstract: Uganda has plausible legal and policy mechanisms which enable its citizens to engage in public participation. However, ethnic minority communities, such as the Batwa of south-west Uganda, have consistently been left out and increasingly excluded and marginalised – socially, culturally, politically, and economically – from public participation at all levels of public engagements. This thesis, therefore, focuses on marginalisation of the Batwa from public participation in Uganda. Originally, the Batwa lived and got their sustance from the forest. However, their livelihoods intensely changed for the worst following their eviction, in 1991, from their traditional land by the Ugandan Government in favour of conservation projects to protect mountain gorillas and forest conservation. Today, the Batwa live as as a despised, excluded, and marginalised community. Their culture, identity and language have come under an increasing threat of extinction. It is surprising that in the 21st century, with a plethora of human rights instruments, Batwa, for the last two decades, have experienced and continue to face human rights violations, including lack of effective participation in public affairs. In the contemporary society underlined by human rights and rule of law values, there are increasing demands to involve citizens, particularly ethnic minorities, in public affairs. Such demands have laergely dominated the governance discourse and become the litmus test for any democratic process at state level. This has given rise to theories such as minority democracy theory and participatory democracy theory that underpin this study. The common usage of representative democracy (minority democracy theory) largely practiced in Uganda in most governance structures, has tended to facilitate multiple marginalisation of Batwa. In this thesis, I look at the non-participation of the Batwa in public affairs and how it is associated with their current state of affairs that is characterised by poverty, eviction from their ancestral land, lack of social services, and the day-to-day gross human rights violations they are subjected to. These are juxtaposed with democratic theories and principles of effective participation, inclusion, and consultations. The thesis also discusses factors responsible for the current situation of the Batwa, despite the fact that the Ugandan legal and policy framework enshrines provisions that aim to secure human rights of ethnic minorities, notwithstanding obligations derived from binding regional and international legal framework and instruments, which confer on Ugandans tripartite...
- Full Text:
Reviewing the prevalent political risks in South Africa’s mining industry : the case of the platinum sector
- Authors: Setlhalogile, Matlala
- Date: 2017
- Subjects: Mines and mineral resources - Political aspects - South Africa , Platinum mines and mining - Political aspects - South Africa , South Africa - Politics and government
- Language: English
- Type: Masters (Thesis)
- Identifier: http://hdl.handle.net/10210/246105 , uj:25505
- Description: M.A. (Politics) , Abstract: The Marikana massacre, together with the 21-week long strike of 2014 in the platinum sector, put the hostile labour relations noticeable in the mining industry, particularly the platinum sector, under the microscope. The Marikana massacre was also sparked by what was seemingly a labour dispute. Beyond exhibiting existing hostile labour relations in South Africa’s platinum belt and the mining industry as a whole, the two occurrences also indicate the prevalence of political risks. The mining industry is a key industry in terms of the country’s economy. The platinum sector, in which the aforementioned events unfolded, is also a key sector. The mining industry accounts for about 17% of the private sector investment and a significant portion of the country’s exports. South Africa, being responsible for amounts exceeding 70% of the world’s production, is the largest producer of platinum. The sector is also the largest employer within the mining industry. In addition, the platinum sector accounts for most of the mining industry’s income. The sector accounted for 29% of the mining industry’s income in 2014, which was R117 150 million of R407 857 million. In 2015, the sector accounted for 22% of the mining industry’s R234 billion GDP. Considering the significance of both the mining industry and the platinum sector and the hostile labour relations characterising the platinum sector, it was necessary to investigate the prevalent political risks in the mining industry, with particular interest in the platinum sector. The study only assesses four political risks ie labour relations, skills shortage, electricity constraints and the regulatory regime. These political risks are not exclusive to the mining industry and the platinum sector. The study attempts to show whose actions are responsible for the proliferation of the risks.
- Full Text:
- Authors: Setlhalogile, Matlala
- Date: 2017
- Subjects: Mines and mineral resources - Political aspects - South Africa , Platinum mines and mining - Political aspects - South Africa , South Africa - Politics and government
- Language: English
- Type: Masters (Thesis)
- Identifier: http://hdl.handle.net/10210/246105 , uj:25505
- Description: M.A. (Politics) , Abstract: The Marikana massacre, together with the 21-week long strike of 2014 in the platinum sector, put the hostile labour relations noticeable in the mining industry, particularly the platinum sector, under the microscope. The Marikana massacre was also sparked by what was seemingly a labour dispute. Beyond exhibiting existing hostile labour relations in South Africa’s platinum belt and the mining industry as a whole, the two occurrences also indicate the prevalence of political risks. The mining industry is a key industry in terms of the country’s economy. The platinum sector, in which the aforementioned events unfolded, is also a key sector. The mining industry accounts for about 17% of the private sector investment and a significant portion of the country’s exports. South Africa, being responsible for amounts exceeding 70% of the world’s production, is the largest producer of platinum. The sector is also the largest employer within the mining industry. In addition, the platinum sector accounts for most of the mining industry’s income. The sector accounted for 29% of the mining industry’s income in 2014, which was R117 150 million of R407 857 million. In 2015, the sector accounted for 22% of the mining industry’s R234 billion GDP. Considering the significance of both the mining industry and the platinum sector and the hostile labour relations characterising the platinum sector, it was necessary to investigate the prevalent political risks in the mining industry, with particular interest in the platinum sector. The study only assesses four political risks ie labour relations, skills shortage, electricity constraints and the regulatory regime. These political risks are not exclusive to the mining industry and the platinum sector. The study attempts to show whose actions are responsible for the proliferation of the risks.
- Full Text:
Trade follows the flag : the case of MTN in South Africa’s foreign economic policy
- Ayodele, Odilile Patricia Lindiwe
- Authors: Ayodele, Odilile Patricia Lindiwe
- Date: 2017
- Subjects: South Africa - Foreign economic relations , Mobile Telephone Networks
- Language: English
- Type: Doctoral (Thesis)
- Identifier: http://hdl.handle.net/10210/235352 , uj:24081
- Description: D.Litt. et Phil. , Abstract: South Africa’s relationship with the African continent, in the post-apartheid era, has been the subject of a growing body of research focusing on the nature of these relationships. Its corporate presence is felt almost everywhere from Khartoum to Maseru, and in various economic sectors. It has been established that South African companies are well placed to invest on the rest of the continent, as they have access to capital, infrastructure and technology. Their efforts are further spurred on by the ideology of ‘African Renaissance’, the principles espoused in NEPAD and the moral capital that South Africa gained at the end of apartheid. This thesis considers the role that South Africa’s African corporate expansion, in the area of mobile telephony, plays in shoring up its projections of leadership status on the continent. Hegemonic stability is used as the theoretical framework underpinning this research. The mobile telephony sector is mushrooming across the continent, thanks in no small part to the weakening of fixed line telephony services within the last two decades. Consequently, South African mobile telephony multinational companies are well placed to fill the gap, with the added advantage of being identifiably ‘African’. Analysis of the relationship between mobile telephony multinationals and the South African government underscores its complexities. As much as mobile telephony corporations have been given implicit support by the State to spread their wings on the continent, there is no concrete framework to legislate their behaviour beyond South Africa’s borders. Therein lies the dilemma for South Africa; on the one hand the State needs the private sector to give expression to its vision for the continent, but at the same time the State has no real control over the actions of these companies. This interpretive research is primarily qualitative relying on a mixture of primary and secondary data as well as some interviews. Furthermore, the thesis considers South Africa’s current regulatory frameworks for its multinationals...
- Full Text:
- Authors: Ayodele, Odilile Patricia Lindiwe
- Date: 2017
- Subjects: South Africa - Foreign economic relations , Mobile Telephone Networks
- Language: English
- Type: Doctoral (Thesis)
- Identifier: http://hdl.handle.net/10210/235352 , uj:24081
- Description: D.Litt. et Phil. , Abstract: South Africa’s relationship with the African continent, in the post-apartheid era, has been the subject of a growing body of research focusing on the nature of these relationships. Its corporate presence is felt almost everywhere from Khartoum to Maseru, and in various economic sectors. It has been established that South African companies are well placed to invest on the rest of the continent, as they have access to capital, infrastructure and technology. Their efforts are further spurred on by the ideology of ‘African Renaissance’, the principles espoused in NEPAD and the moral capital that South Africa gained at the end of apartheid. This thesis considers the role that South Africa’s African corporate expansion, in the area of mobile telephony, plays in shoring up its projections of leadership status on the continent. Hegemonic stability is used as the theoretical framework underpinning this research. The mobile telephony sector is mushrooming across the continent, thanks in no small part to the weakening of fixed line telephony services within the last two decades. Consequently, South African mobile telephony multinational companies are well placed to fill the gap, with the added advantage of being identifiably ‘African’. Analysis of the relationship between mobile telephony multinationals and the South African government underscores its complexities. As much as mobile telephony corporations have been given implicit support by the State to spread their wings on the continent, there is no concrete framework to legislate their behaviour beyond South Africa’s borders. Therein lies the dilemma for South Africa; on the one hand the State needs the private sector to give expression to its vision for the continent, but at the same time the State has no real control over the actions of these companies. This interpretive research is primarily qualitative relying on a mixture of primary and secondary data as well as some interviews. Furthermore, the thesis considers South Africa’s current regulatory frameworks for its multinationals...
- Full Text:
The dilemma of achieving equality in post-apartheid South Africa : balancing affirmative action with equal Protection Under the Law
- Authors: Mathekga, Ralph
- Date: 2018
- Language: English
- Type: Doctoral (Thesis)
- Identifier: http://hdl.handle.net/10210/400260 , uj:33397
- Description: Abstract : South Africa is an unequal society, owing to the legacy of the apartheid system where the state undertook to disempower the majority of the population on the basis of race. This has resulted in systemic economic and social subjugation that would outlive apartheid’s formal institutional infrastructure. The depth of inequalities created under the apartheid system was a major hindrance towards building an inclusive society based on freedom, fairness and justice. It is because of persistence of inequalities in the post-apartheid dispensation that the Constitution (Act 108 of 1996) undertakes that to “promote the achievement of equality, legislation and other measures designed to protect or advance persons…disadvantaged by unfair discrimination may be taken”. The Constitution provides for affirmative action as a means through which substantive promotion of equality is possible. The Constitution also prohibits unfair discrimination on the basis of race or gender, for example. This thesis explores how the courts evaluate competing claims for equality under constitutions namely, the right to benefit from affirmative action as a measure aimed at extending equality to those who suffered unfair discrimination on one hand, and the right to equal treatment by the state. These claims emerge whenever affirmative action programmes are brought to court following disputes that such measures constitute unfair discrimination on the basis of race, for example. Complaints are often brought to court by those who are excluded from benefiting from affirmative action. When such contests reach the courts for resolution, the courts are expected to assess which of the competing claims deserve constitutional protection, on the basis of the given facts. Since affirmative action is a policy aimed at achieving social justice, the courts’ ruling on the matter is an expression of an understanding of equality as provided for in the constitution. This thesis evaluates the approach followed by the courts in assessing the constitutional permissibility of affirmative action measures. By studying some of the key decisions made by the courts thus far, the thesis explores the question as to whether the courts employ fair, transparent and accessible criteria in deciding the constitutionality of affirmative action. In order to evaluate the emerging jurisprudence on affirmative action, the thesis carries out an in-depth review of some selected decided affirmative action cases. This 5 provides insights into the interpretative exercise followed by the courts, and its reflection on the meaning of equality and justice in a constitutional democracy. By drawing on political theory, the thesis is then able to conclude how the courts construe the meaning of equality. , D.Litt. et Phil. (Political Studies)
- Full Text:
- Authors: Mathekga, Ralph
- Date: 2018
- Language: English
- Type: Doctoral (Thesis)
- Identifier: http://hdl.handle.net/10210/400260 , uj:33397
- Description: Abstract : South Africa is an unequal society, owing to the legacy of the apartheid system where the state undertook to disempower the majority of the population on the basis of race. This has resulted in systemic economic and social subjugation that would outlive apartheid’s formal institutional infrastructure. The depth of inequalities created under the apartheid system was a major hindrance towards building an inclusive society based on freedom, fairness and justice. It is because of persistence of inequalities in the post-apartheid dispensation that the Constitution (Act 108 of 1996) undertakes that to “promote the achievement of equality, legislation and other measures designed to protect or advance persons…disadvantaged by unfair discrimination may be taken”. The Constitution provides for affirmative action as a means through which substantive promotion of equality is possible. The Constitution also prohibits unfair discrimination on the basis of race or gender, for example. This thesis explores how the courts evaluate competing claims for equality under constitutions namely, the right to benefit from affirmative action as a measure aimed at extending equality to those who suffered unfair discrimination on one hand, and the right to equal treatment by the state. These claims emerge whenever affirmative action programmes are brought to court following disputes that such measures constitute unfair discrimination on the basis of race, for example. Complaints are often brought to court by those who are excluded from benefiting from affirmative action. When such contests reach the courts for resolution, the courts are expected to assess which of the competing claims deserve constitutional protection, on the basis of the given facts. Since affirmative action is a policy aimed at achieving social justice, the courts’ ruling on the matter is an expression of an understanding of equality as provided for in the constitution. This thesis evaluates the approach followed by the courts in assessing the constitutional permissibility of affirmative action measures. By studying some of the key decisions made by the courts thus far, the thesis explores the question as to whether the courts employ fair, transparent and accessible criteria in deciding the constitutionality of affirmative action. In order to evaluate the emerging jurisprudence on affirmative action, the thesis carries out an in-depth review of some selected decided affirmative action cases. This 5 provides insights into the interpretative exercise followed by the courts, and its reflection on the meaning of equality and justice in a constitutional democracy. By drawing on political theory, the thesis is then able to conclude how the courts construe the meaning of equality. , D.Litt. et Phil. (Political Studies)
- Full Text:
The causes of Kenya’s consistently problematic political risk profile
- Authors: Mlilo, Wandile Kelly
- Date: 2017
- Language: English
- Type: Masters (Thesis)
- Identifier: http://hdl.handle.net/10210/265887 , uj:28175
- Description: Abstract: Unlike commercial political risk assessments, which serve as cautionary indicators of threats, this study which is a political risk analysis, discusses the causes of the consistently problematic political risks which have been affecting Foreign Direct Investment (FDI) in Kenya since 2010. These political risks include terrorism, ethnic tensions, corruption, institutional weaknesses, democratic accountability and socio-economic conditions. Nonetheless, the presence of these risks in Kenya does not imply that there will be no investments in the country. While most of these political factors are perceived as detrimental to the growth of FDI, some foreign investors may see them as an opportunity to invest. For example, institutional weaknesses can promote investment as they create opportunities of avoiding strict regulations especially labour laws. The consistency of these factors in Kenya’s political risk profile is a result of the issues in Kenya’s state formation and democratic stability challenges although not limited to these. The democratic stability theory best explains the causes of these risks. However, these democratic stability challenges arise as a consequence of poor state formation such that these challenges spill over and have significant effects on economic systems. And it is essential to note that most of these issues such as the lack of democratic accountability, ethnic issues and corruption, are problems that have existed even in previous regimes. Looking ahead, there are three possible scenarios that could emerge namely the ‘Path of Ethnic Diversity’ which resembles the current situation of Kenya and is characterised by ethnic tensions. Secondly, is the ‘Path of Terror’ which assumes that terrorist attacks may endure as a result of the gap created by party politics, military, religious and ethnic politics. Lastly is the ‘Path of the Economic Hub’ which portrays Kenya as a state that is realising its full potential and is pursuing a precise economic and developmental vision. Based on empirical knowledge, the Path of Ethnic Diversity is the most probable scenario considering the causes of most of the political risks and their intensity. Nonetheless, investors will continue to invest as risk takers although the investment inflows may be slowed down in this scenario. , M.A. (Politics)
- Full Text:
- Authors: Mlilo, Wandile Kelly
- Date: 2017
- Language: English
- Type: Masters (Thesis)
- Identifier: http://hdl.handle.net/10210/265887 , uj:28175
- Description: Abstract: Unlike commercial political risk assessments, which serve as cautionary indicators of threats, this study which is a political risk analysis, discusses the causes of the consistently problematic political risks which have been affecting Foreign Direct Investment (FDI) in Kenya since 2010. These political risks include terrorism, ethnic tensions, corruption, institutional weaknesses, democratic accountability and socio-economic conditions. Nonetheless, the presence of these risks in Kenya does not imply that there will be no investments in the country. While most of these political factors are perceived as detrimental to the growth of FDI, some foreign investors may see them as an opportunity to invest. For example, institutional weaknesses can promote investment as they create opportunities of avoiding strict regulations especially labour laws. The consistency of these factors in Kenya’s political risk profile is a result of the issues in Kenya’s state formation and democratic stability challenges although not limited to these. The democratic stability theory best explains the causes of these risks. However, these democratic stability challenges arise as a consequence of poor state formation such that these challenges spill over and have significant effects on economic systems. And it is essential to note that most of these issues such as the lack of democratic accountability, ethnic issues and corruption, are problems that have existed even in previous regimes. Looking ahead, there are three possible scenarios that could emerge namely the ‘Path of Ethnic Diversity’ which resembles the current situation of Kenya and is characterised by ethnic tensions. Secondly, is the ‘Path of Terror’ which assumes that terrorist attacks may endure as a result of the gap created by party politics, military, religious and ethnic politics. Lastly is the ‘Path of the Economic Hub’ which portrays Kenya as a state that is realising its full potential and is pursuing a precise economic and developmental vision. Based on empirical knowledge, the Path of Ethnic Diversity is the most probable scenario considering the causes of most of the political risks and their intensity. Nonetheless, investors will continue to invest as risk takers although the investment inflows may be slowed down in this scenario. , M.A. (Politics)
- Full Text:
Es’kia Mphahlele’s Afrocentric Pan-African Humanism Paradigm : contributing towards decolonisation of International Relations
- Authors: Moloi, Tshepo Mvulane
- Date: 2019
- Subjects: Indigenous peoples - Africa , Postcolonialism - Africa , Decolonization - Africa , Pan-Africanism , Africa - Foreign relations
- Language: English
- Type: Doctoral (Thesis)
- Identifier: http://hdl.handle.net/10210/400284 , uj:33400
- Description: Abstract : Please refer to full text to view abstract. , D.Litt. et Phil. (Political Studies)
- Full Text:
- Authors: Moloi, Tshepo Mvulane
- Date: 2019
- Subjects: Indigenous peoples - Africa , Postcolonialism - Africa , Decolonization - Africa , Pan-Africanism , Africa - Foreign relations
- Language: English
- Type: Doctoral (Thesis)
- Identifier: http://hdl.handle.net/10210/400284 , uj:33400
- Description: Abstract : Please refer to full text to view abstract. , D.Litt. et Phil. (Political Studies)
- Full Text:
- «
- ‹
- 1
- ›
- »