The social role of militarism in Namibia with specific reference to education, health and family life, 1978-1988
- Authors: Mathagu, Rendani Vincent
- Date: 2012-09-11
- Subjects: Militarism – Research - Namibia , Education - Effect of militarism on - Namibia , Militarism - Social aspects - Namibia , Militarism - Health aspects - Namibia , Namibia - Social life and customs , Namibia - History - 1946-1990 , Namibia - Politics and government - 1946-1990
- Type: Mini-Dissertation
- Identifier: uj:10071 , http://hdl.handle.net/10210/7458
- Description: M.A. , There are various opposing versions about what went on in Namibia during the years preceding its liberation from the South African ' colonialist ' rule. Clarity in this regard is blurred by the reality that the various accounts about what happened are influenced by the political inclination of those who tell them. Two viewpoints are however clear. Firstly to those who were supportive of the South African colonialist rule over Namibia, it represented the last resistance point before South Africa itself in terms of fending off the influence of communism and the chaos that African governance is associated with , could bring peace and stability in this region. Secondly to those who were supportive of the struggle by the Namibian African majority for, it represented one of the last two black spots in the continent where Africans were shamed by the yoke of colonialism and where their values as Africans and their self-determination had to give way to the will and whims of a tiny minority with neo-fascist inclinations. In this thesis the aim is to look at the effect of militarism on the Namibian population especially in the fields of education, health and family life. It is not a detailed account of South Africa 's military involvement , but a general view with the focus on certain crucial areas. Militarism was the main method used by the apartheid government to suppress the struggle for freedom. During the years of warfare the education system partially collapsed because of pressures put on the teachers and scholars by the South African military authorities as well as by the disruption caused by the movement of troops and battles between SWAPO soldiers and the SADF. In many areas the SADF took over the educational system in the place of local teachers. As in the case of the schools the South African authorities also occupied the health centres (Clinics and hospitals) in Namibia. Certain mission hospitals and clinics were closed to stop them from aiding SWAPO. This led to deteriorating health service in those areas. The Namibians looked upon this actions as the further extent:Ion of South African colonialism in their country. Family life was also influenced strongly by the war in Namibia. The indigenous economy was disrupted family in the war zones were resettled , people were killed, tortured , arrested and Jailed when suspected of aiding SWAPO cadres . In general family life suffered under the harsh conditions brought about by the war.
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- Authors: Mathagu, Rendani Vincent
- Date: 2012-09-11
- Subjects: Militarism – Research - Namibia , Education - Effect of militarism on - Namibia , Militarism - Social aspects - Namibia , Militarism - Health aspects - Namibia , Namibia - Social life and customs , Namibia - History - 1946-1990 , Namibia - Politics and government - 1946-1990
- Type: Mini-Dissertation
- Identifier: uj:10071 , http://hdl.handle.net/10210/7458
- Description: M.A. , There are various opposing versions about what went on in Namibia during the years preceding its liberation from the South African ' colonialist ' rule. Clarity in this regard is blurred by the reality that the various accounts about what happened are influenced by the political inclination of those who tell them. Two viewpoints are however clear. Firstly to those who were supportive of the South African colonialist rule over Namibia, it represented the last resistance point before South Africa itself in terms of fending off the influence of communism and the chaos that African governance is associated with , could bring peace and stability in this region. Secondly to those who were supportive of the struggle by the Namibian African majority for, it represented one of the last two black spots in the continent where Africans were shamed by the yoke of colonialism and where their values as Africans and their self-determination had to give way to the will and whims of a tiny minority with neo-fascist inclinations. In this thesis the aim is to look at the effect of militarism on the Namibian population especially in the fields of education, health and family life. It is not a detailed account of South Africa 's military involvement , but a general view with the focus on certain crucial areas. Militarism was the main method used by the apartheid government to suppress the struggle for freedom. During the years of warfare the education system partially collapsed because of pressures put on the teachers and scholars by the South African military authorities as well as by the disruption caused by the movement of troops and battles between SWAPO soldiers and the SADF. In many areas the SADF took over the educational system in the place of local teachers. As in the case of the schools the South African authorities also occupied the health centres (Clinics and hospitals) in Namibia. Certain mission hospitals and clinics were closed to stop them from aiding SWAPO. This led to deteriorating health service in those areas. The Namibians looked upon this actions as the further extent:Ion of South African colonialism in their country. Family life was also influenced strongly by the war in Namibia. The indigenous economy was disrupted family in the war zones were resettled , people were killed, tortured , arrested and Jailed when suspected of aiding SWAPO cadres . In general family life suffered under the harsh conditions brought about by the war.
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The U.S. brokered settlement of the Namibian dispute, 1988
- Authors: Ramabulana, Ravele I.
- Date: 2012-09-12
- Subjects: Namibia - History - 1946-1990 , Namibia - Politics and government - 1946-1990 , Namibia - Foreign relations - United States , United States - Foreign relations - Namibia , Namibia - Foreign relations - Soviet Union , Soviet Union - Foreign relations - Namibia , International mediation - Research - Namibia
- Type: Mini-Dissertation
- Identifier: uj:10232 , http://hdl.handle.net/10210/7604
- Description: M.A. , In January 1981, the Reagan administration entered office. Its dominant trend of thinking focussed on Angola - not Namibia - as the Southern African issue that demanded urgent attention. It was against this background that the concept of 'linkage' was introduced. This elevated the question of Cuban forces in Angola to the centre stage of negotiations. This question, the removal of Cuban forces in Angola, became the pretext for preventing the implementation of UNSCR 435, 1978. The destiny of Namibia was caught up in a powerful legacy of East - West conflict. However, as early as March 1986, the Soviet Union, under Mikhail Gorbachev, pronounced its readiness in finding a political solution to the Angolan conflict as part of a broader policy decision to seek negotiated solutions to all regional conflicts. The Soviet Union came to regard its involvement in distant regional conflicts as an unnecessary expensive luxury, in that they fuelled the arms race and deprived it of access to Western investment and technology. A window of opportunity for the settlement of Southern Africa 's problems was opened up by Gorbachev 's perestirofika. The Reagan administration took full advantage of this glorious development, since it wanted to wrap up the Namibia - Angola question before its time ran out. This was coupled with a desire to prove that 'linkage' had been a success . The Angolan war was unwinnable. No one was winning on the ground . Therefore , everyone wanted to win at the table. Each side had good reasons for wanting to see the war ended, but no one was prepared to admit it. Eight months of almost continuous negotiations between Angola Cuba and South Africa, with the United States acting as a mediator, on a regional peace settlement involving Namibian independence, culminated in the signing of the Tripartite Agreement on 22 December 1988. This finally established April 1, 1989 as the date of starting the implementation of UN security council Resolution 435 of 1978, involving a transitional phase leading to full independence of Namibia.
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- Authors: Ramabulana, Ravele I.
- Date: 2012-09-12
- Subjects: Namibia - History - 1946-1990 , Namibia - Politics and government - 1946-1990 , Namibia - Foreign relations - United States , United States - Foreign relations - Namibia , Namibia - Foreign relations - Soviet Union , Soviet Union - Foreign relations - Namibia , International mediation - Research - Namibia
- Type: Mini-Dissertation
- Identifier: uj:10232 , http://hdl.handle.net/10210/7604
- Description: M.A. , In January 1981, the Reagan administration entered office. Its dominant trend of thinking focussed on Angola - not Namibia - as the Southern African issue that demanded urgent attention. It was against this background that the concept of 'linkage' was introduced. This elevated the question of Cuban forces in Angola to the centre stage of negotiations. This question, the removal of Cuban forces in Angola, became the pretext for preventing the implementation of UNSCR 435, 1978. The destiny of Namibia was caught up in a powerful legacy of East - West conflict. However, as early as March 1986, the Soviet Union, under Mikhail Gorbachev, pronounced its readiness in finding a political solution to the Angolan conflict as part of a broader policy decision to seek negotiated solutions to all regional conflicts. The Soviet Union came to regard its involvement in distant regional conflicts as an unnecessary expensive luxury, in that they fuelled the arms race and deprived it of access to Western investment and technology. A window of opportunity for the settlement of Southern Africa 's problems was opened up by Gorbachev 's perestirofika. The Reagan administration took full advantage of this glorious development, since it wanted to wrap up the Namibia - Angola question before its time ran out. This was coupled with a desire to prove that 'linkage' had been a success . The Angolan war was unwinnable. No one was winning on the ground . Therefore , everyone wanted to win at the table. Each side had good reasons for wanting to see the war ended, but no one was prepared to admit it. Eight months of almost continuous negotiations between Angola Cuba and South Africa, with the United States acting as a mediator, on a regional peace settlement involving Namibian independence, culminated in the signing of the Tripartite Agreement on 22 December 1988. This finally established April 1, 1989 as the date of starting the implementation of UN security council Resolution 435 of 1978, involving a transitional phase leading to full independence of Namibia.
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The role of the Patriotic Front in the independence of Zimbabwe, 1976-1980
- Dangale, Nthathedzeni Nicholas
- Authors: Dangale, Nthathedzeni Nicholas
- Date: 2012-08-23
- Subjects: Patriotic Front (Zimbabwe) , Political parties - Zimbabwe , Autonomy - History , Zimbabwe - Politics and government - 1965-1979 , Zimbabwe - Politics and government - 1979-1980 , Zimbabwe - History - 1965-1980
- Type: Mini-Dissertation
- Identifier: uj:3134 , http://hdl.handle.net/10210/6553
- Description: M.A. , The significant part in this study is the fact that no recent attempts have been made to research and analyse specifically the role of the PF. What has been attempted up to now is the gathering and representation analysis of available information on the independence of Zimbabwe. Thus this study, on the other hand, attempts to present the major threads of the debates by presenting and correlating the more significant arguments found in the widespread literature. This has entailed some significant selecting of material to keep chapters within reasonable limits Books used in this study provided useful and valuable information though not dealing specifically with the role of the PF. They provided information that covers other role players like the USA, Britain and the Frontline States. However, throughout the literary study information specific to the topic was available and provided the linkage of the PF's role in the independence of Zimbabwe. The problems faced in the course of the research of this topic were that no books dealt specifically with the role of the PF and that there are few books available that deal with the topic. Other sources used in this topic were articles, newspapers and documents but they give tentative useful information and brought forth a variety of interpretations. They are very brief and composed of speeches and mostly reports on what had happened and fall short of giving detailed information. The problem encountered was that they too, don't deal specifically with the PF but provide information from which the researcher would select only what suited the topic. Because this work is a mini dissertation very little primary source material has been used. The focus has mainly been on secondary sources. This includes among others, books, articles, newspapers and research bulletins such as Africa Contemporary Record.
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- Authors: Dangale, Nthathedzeni Nicholas
- Date: 2012-08-23
- Subjects: Patriotic Front (Zimbabwe) , Political parties - Zimbabwe , Autonomy - History , Zimbabwe - Politics and government - 1965-1979 , Zimbabwe - Politics and government - 1979-1980 , Zimbabwe - History - 1965-1980
- Type: Mini-Dissertation
- Identifier: uj:3134 , http://hdl.handle.net/10210/6553
- Description: M.A. , The significant part in this study is the fact that no recent attempts have been made to research and analyse specifically the role of the PF. What has been attempted up to now is the gathering and representation analysis of available information on the independence of Zimbabwe. Thus this study, on the other hand, attempts to present the major threads of the debates by presenting and correlating the more significant arguments found in the widespread literature. This has entailed some significant selecting of material to keep chapters within reasonable limits Books used in this study provided useful and valuable information though not dealing specifically with the role of the PF. They provided information that covers other role players like the USA, Britain and the Frontline States. However, throughout the literary study information specific to the topic was available and provided the linkage of the PF's role in the independence of Zimbabwe. The problems faced in the course of the research of this topic were that no books dealt specifically with the role of the PF and that there are few books available that deal with the topic. Other sources used in this topic were articles, newspapers and documents but they give tentative useful information and brought forth a variety of interpretations. They are very brief and composed of speeches and mostly reports on what had happened and fall short of giving detailed information. The problem encountered was that they too, don't deal specifically with the PF but provide information from which the researcher would select only what suited the topic. Because this work is a mini dissertation very little primary source material has been used. The focus has mainly been on secondary sources. This includes among others, books, articles, newspapers and research bulletins such as Africa Contemporary Record.
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The Organisation of African Unity (OAU) and the isolation of South Africa, 1963-1984.
- Authors: Demana, Nkhumiseni John
- Date: 2012-08-17
- Subjects: Organization of African Unity - History , South Africa - Foreign relations - Africa , Africa - Foreign relations - South Africa , Africa - Politics and government - 1960-
- Type: Mini-Dissertation
- Identifier: uj:2696 , http://hdl.handle.net/10210/6138
- Description: M.A. , This study focuses its attention on the strategies of the OAU in their determined bid to isolate South Africa from the international community. This study attempts to show how and why the African states tried to isolate South Africa. This selection is done in order to portray the special role the African states played in the ostracism of South Africa from the community of nations. The objective is to analyse the strategies and the role of Africa, 2 individually and collectively, and to demonstrate the extent to which they were committed to the implementation of this isolation campaign. This study will try to give, as far as possible, a balanced perspective of the issues surrounding Africa's campaign of isolation. The present study is, therefore, a serious attempt at a study of that campaign. In this connection, attention will also be focused on questions such as: What motivated the OAU to interact in the campaign to isolate South Africa? What internal factors determined Africa's strategies, successes and failures? What role did the frontline states play in the isolation campaign? Why did Mozambique and South Africa conclude the Nkomati Agreement in 1984? Was this agreement a deviation of the principles of isolation? What was the reaction of the OAU to the -signing of this agreement? To what extent had the isolation campaign succeeded from Africa's point of view?
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- Authors: Demana, Nkhumiseni John
- Date: 2012-08-17
- Subjects: Organization of African Unity - History , South Africa - Foreign relations - Africa , Africa - Foreign relations - South Africa , Africa - Politics and government - 1960-
- Type: Mini-Dissertation
- Identifier: uj:2696 , http://hdl.handle.net/10210/6138
- Description: M.A. , This study focuses its attention on the strategies of the OAU in their determined bid to isolate South Africa from the international community. This study attempts to show how and why the African states tried to isolate South Africa. This selection is done in order to portray the special role the African states played in the ostracism of South Africa from the community of nations. The objective is to analyse the strategies and the role of Africa, 2 individually and collectively, and to demonstrate the extent to which they were committed to the implementation of this isolation campaign. This study will try to give, as far as possible, a balanced perspective of the issues surrounding Africa's campaign of isolation. The present study is, therefore, a serious attempt at a study of that campaign. In this connection, attention will also be focused on questions such as: What motivated the OAU to interact in the campaign to isolate South Africa? What internal factors determined Africa's strategies, successes and failures? What role did the frontline states play in the isolation campaign? Why did Mozambique and South Africa conclude the Nkomati Agreement in 1984? Was this agreement a deviation of the principles of isolation? What was the reaction of the OAU to the -signing of this agreement? To what extent had the isolation campaign succeeded from Africa's point of view?
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