Exploring the challenges of the African Union (AU)-led mediation in peace processes : the cases of Burundi, Libya, and Zimbabwe
- Authors: Niyitunga, Eric Blanco
- Date: 2017
- Subjects: Mediation - Africa , Conflict management - Africa , Peace-building - Africa , Peacekeeping forces, African , African Union
- Language: English
- Type: Doctoral (Thesis)
- Identifier: http://hdl.handle.net/10210/251595 , uj:26206
- Description: Abstract: Extensive research exists on the role of peacekeeping forces and yet relatively few studies have examined the role of AU mediation and the challenges it encounters in resolving African conflicts. While peacekeeping missions can halt political conflicts, however, literature depicts that they do not help deal with the conflicts from their root causes, and this is the reason why in many places political violence and insecurity have become intractable on the continent. The central aim of this study has been to study the role of mediation in resolving political violence and investigate whether the AU does fully own the mediation process and has autonomy over the mediation agendas and outcome. The study finds that Africa’s most important inter-state actor has no supremacy and wherewithal to act as an autonomous and powerful actor in the mediation process. Autonomous in that it is unable to act independently by setting and presiding of its agenda, and to act victoriously without being overcome by narrow endogenous (Africa) or exogenous (extra African) interests and influence. Challenges that were found depriving the AU of ownership and autonomy in mediation processes are both internal and external. The internal challenges were confirmed to include: the AU’s mediators’ failure to understand the origins, root causes and nature of African conflicts; the AU’s mediators’ lack of professional expertise in conflict analysis; unchecked divisions among AU member states; the AU’s lack of full control and authority over the mediation process; the AU’s lack of professionally trained and experienced mediators in mediation research; weakness of the AU mediation process; unfilled gaps in the AU’s Peace and Security Architecture; the lack of institutionalised mediation architecture and mediation teams at the AU; and lack of African originated resources to support AU mediation processes. The external challenges include: the presence of the seemingly unconquerable external conspiracy of dictatorial forces from the Western countries before and/or during the mediation process. Therefore, with these challenges, the study demonstrated that the AU does neither own mediation processes nor does it have autonomy over the mediation agenda item and outcomes. This was done through the close examination of how the AU mediation team applied the principles governing successful mediation in three African cases... , D.Litt. et Phil.
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- Authors: Niyitunga, Eric Blanco
- Date: 2017
- Subjects: Mediation - Africa , Conflict management - Africa , Peace-building - Africa , Peacekeeping forces, African , African Union
- Language: English
- Type: Doctoral (Thesis)
- Identifier: http://hdl.handle.net/10210/251595 , uj:26206
- Description: Abstract: Extensive research exists on the role of peacekeeping forces and yet relatively few studies have examined the role of AU mediation and the challenges it encounters in resolving African conflicts. While peacekeeping missions can halt political conflicts, however, literature depicts that they do not help deal with the conflicts from their root causes, and this is the reason why in many places political violence and insecurity have become intractable on the continent. The central aim of this study has been to study the role of mediation in resolving political violence and investigate whether the AU does fully own the mediation process and has autonomy over the mediation agendas and outcome. The study finds that Africa’s most important inter-state actor has no supremacy and wherewithal to act as an autonomous and powerful actor in the mediation process. Autonomous in that it is unable to act independently by setting and presiding of its agenda, and to act victoriously without being overcome by narrow endogenous (Africa) or exogenous (extra African) interests and influence. Challenges that were found depriving the AU of ownership and autonomy in mediation processes are both internal and external. The internal challenges were confirmed to include: the AU’s mediators’ failure to understand the origins, root causes and nature of African conflicts; the AU’s mediators’ lack of professional expertise in conflict analysis; unchecked divisions among AU member states; the AU’s lack of full control and authority over the mediation process; the AU’s lack of professionally trained and experienced mediators in mediation research; weakness of the AU mediation process; unfilled gaps in the AU’s Peace and Security Architecture; the lack of institutionalised mediation architecture and mediation teams at the AU; and lack of African originated resources to support AU mediation processes. The external challenges include: the presence of the seemingly unconquerable external conspiracy of dictatorial forces from the Western countries before and/or during the mediation process. Therefore, with these challenges, the study demonstrated that the AU does neither own mediation processes nor does it have autonomy over the mediation agenda item and outcomes. This was done through the close examination of how the AU mediation team applied the principles governing successful mediation in three African cases... , D.Litt. et Phil.
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AU and SADC involvement in conflict resolution in the Democratic Republic of Congo (DRC) : testing the AU’s principle of non-indifference
- Authors: Aboumbeng, Asumbeng Sunday
- Date: 2017
- Subjects: Conflict management - Congo (Democratic Republic) , Dispute resolution (Law) - Congo (Democratic Republic) , African Union , Southern African Development Community
- Language: English
- Type: Masters (Thesis)
- Identifier: http://hdl.handle.net/10210/251058 , uj:26173
- Description: Abstract: Please refer to full text to view abstract , M.A. (Politcs)
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- Authors: Aboumbeng, Asumbeng Sunday
- Date: 2017
- Subjects: Conflict management - Congo (Democratic Republic) , Dispute resolution (Law) - Congo (Democratic Republic) , African Union , Southern African Development Community
- Language: English
- Type: Masters (Thesis)
- Identifier: http://hdl.handle.net/10210/251058 , uj:26173
- Description: Abstract: Please refer to full text to view abstract , M.A. (Politcs)
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China in Africa : helping or hindering regional integration?
- Adogo, Hellen Lorraine Awino
- Authors: Adogo, Hellen Lorraine Awino
- Date: 2016
- Subjects: China - Foreign relations - Africa , Africa - Foreign relations - China
- Language: English
- Type: Masters (Thesis)
- Identifier: http://hdl.handle.net/10210/240324 , uj:24723
- Description: M.A. (Politics) , Abstract: This dissertation examines the presence of China in Africa in relation to regional integration. It examines whether or not China’s involvement is helping or hindering the growth of regional integration in Africa. In other words, the dissertation investigates whether China’s relationship with Africa has a negative or positive impact that promotes the sustainability of the regional integration in Africa. To prove the argument and achieve the aim of the research, the dissertation focuses on China-Africa relations and the China’s infrastructure projects in two African regions, namely the EAC and SADC. However, it is important to note at the outset that only five countries in each region were studied. The findings prove that China-Africa relations are not threatening the growth and development of regional integration contrary to what some current literature presents; rather China’s presence in these two regions is promoting and enhancing regional integration. The dissertation finds that Chinese infrastructure projects are bringing member states together, opening intra-trade which bolsters economic development in the regions. These projects are creating networks and corridors that are tying the two regions together. To arrive at such assertions, this dissertation adopts a qualitative research method with a case study and exploratory approaches. The dissertation does argue that there is need for member states in the region to foster stronger relations among themselves while developing policies that ensure the durability of the Chinese infrastructure projects.
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- Authors: Adogo, Hellen Lorraine Awino
- Date: 2016
- Subjects: China - Foreign relations - Africa , Africa - Foreign relations - China
- Language: English
- Type: Masters (Thesis)
- Identifier: http://hdl.handle.net/10210/240324 , uj:24723
- Description: M.A. (Politics) , Abstract: This dissertation examines the presence of China in Africa in relation to regional integration. It examines whether or not China’s involvement is helping or hindering the growth of regional integration in Africa. In other words, the dissertation investigates whether China’s relationship with Africa has a negative or positive impact that promotes the sustainability of the regional integration in Africa. To prove the argument and achieve the aim of the research, the dissertation focuses on China-Africa relations and the China’s infrastructure projects in two African regions, namely the EAC and SADC. However, it is important to note at the outset that only five countries in each region were studied. The findings prove that China-Africa relations are not threatening the growth and development of regional integration contrary to what some current literature presents; rather China’s presence in these two regions is promoting and enhancing regional integration. The dissertation finds that Chinese infrastructure projects are bringing member states together, opening intra-trade which bolsters economic development in the regions. These projects are creating networks and corridors that are tying the two regions together. To arrive at such assertions, this dissertation adopts a qualitative research method with a case study and exploratory approaches. The dissertation does argue that there is need for member states in the region to foster stronger relations among themselves while developing policies that ensure the durability of the Chinese infrastructure projects.
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The missing link : state capacity, service delivery and the politics of the developmental state in South Africa
- Authors: Mulaudzi, Mbulaheni
- Date: 2015-10-28
- Type: Thesis
- Identifier: uj:14479 , http://hdl.handle.net/10210/15000
- Description: D.Litt. et. Phil. (Political Studies) , If, in theory, the developmental state is no mere declarative fiat, the main proposition of this thesis tends towards a reduction of the South African state to subjective constraints that have detoured the post-2004 policy and strategic thrust towards its realisation. Although the South African government has declared a developmental state, the state lacks the necessary capacity to become a state that delivers service to the citizenry and thus meet declared developmental goals. The importance of state capacity to deliver services is, to be sure, paramount. This study is an assessment of state capacity to deliver services in the context of South Africa’s aspiration to become a developmental state. In contemplating the pursuit of this developmental agenda, there is room for caution. First, without requisite technical and institutional capacity, South Africa lacks the core capabilities of a developmental state to interpret policies and link them effectively with service delivery interventions. Thus, on a balance of evidence, strong countertendencies against developmental outcomes are manifest. There also arise another complexity that is not as straightforward. The complexity arises as much from problems of normative definitions of the developmental state as the particularities in the South African context of the state as both a subject and object of transformation. Common and distinctive features of the developmental state thus co-exist in a sort of dualism of a modern and effective state and a transformative state. In the view propounded in this study, there is an embedded subjectiv dynamic of state capture, less as a developmental state with a transformative thrust and more allied to the idea of the embedded autonomy of political elite. The South African state, in other words, has yet to combine its institutional form and national character with the service delivery capabilities of an effective state in a definitive developmental state capable of mediating historical and contemporary challenges of racial redress, economic growth and distribution in an economic context of internationalisation.
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- Authors: Mulaudzi, Mbulaheni
- Date: 2015-10-28
- Type: Thesis
- Identifier: uj:14479 , http://hdl.handle.net/10210/15000
- Description: D.Litt. et. Phil. (Political Studies) , If, in theory, the developmental state is no mere declarative fiat, the main proposition of this thesis tends towards a reduction of the South African state to subjective constraints that have detoured the post-2004 policy and strategic thrust towards its realisation. Although the South African government has declared a developmental state, the state lacks the necessary capacity to become a state that delivers service to the citizenry and thus meet declared developmental goals. The importance of state capacity to deliver services is, to be sure, paramount. This study is an assessment of state capacity to deliver services in the context of South Africa’s aspiration to become a developmental state. In contemplating the pursuit of this developmental agenda, there is room for caution. First, without requisite technical and institutional capacity, South Africa lacks the core capabilities of a developmental state to interpret policies and link them effectively with service delivery interventions. Thus, on a balance of evidence, strong countertendencies against developmental outcomes are manifest. There also arise another complexity that is not as straightforward. The complexity arises as much from problems of normative definitions of the developmental state as the particularities in the South African context of the state as both a subject and object of transformation. Common and distinctive features of the developmental state thus co-exist in a sort of dualism of a modern and effective state and a transformative state. In the view propounded in this study, there is an embedded subjectiv dynamic of state capture, less as a developmental state with a transformative thrust and more allied to the idea of the embedded autonomy of political elite. The South African state, in other words, has yet to combine its institutional form and national character with the service delivery capabilities of an effective state in a definitive developmental state capable of mediating historical and contemporary challenges of racial redress, economic growth and distribution in an economic context of internationalisation.
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Political risk and foreign direct investment in South Africa : using indigenous methods for analysis
- Authors: Mokhele, Khothatso
- Date: 2015
- Subjects: Country risk - South Africa , Investments, Foreign - South Africa , African Peer Review Mechanism
- Language: English
- Type: Masters (Thesis)
- Identifier: http://hdl.handle.net/10210/66654 , uj:17495
- Description: Abstract: This study is a political risk analysis using two indigenous models to review foreign direct investment in South Africa. Focus is placed on South Africa as it positions itself favourably for foreign direct investment (FDI) flows and participates actively in the global economy. While there have been numerous studies on the determinants of FDI flows to developing countries, there is a lack of research surrounding the political dynamics and the impact this has on FDI. This is surprising as an absence of a clear understanding of how political risk analysis is approached may result in understating corporate risk strategies, foregoing opportunities, or the prospects of international capital flows that would otherwise add towards the growth of world trade. In spite of the recommendations and forecasts made, commercial political risk models do not explain or fully capture the politics behind risk analysis. The result is that they are not able to convey nuanced information that is likely to be captured in an indigenous model of political risk. In South Africa Albert Venter (2005) set out to develop a locally informed approach towards the study of political risk analysis. The Venter (2005) model draws on the sterling findings of Howell and Chaddick (1994) to reconfigure a model for political risk analyses and moreover, to assemble a model that is responsive to the South African context. In addition, although not branded as a political risk analysis model, the African Peer Review Mechanism (APRM) forms an indigenous approach towards assessing elements of political risk through a self-appraisal mechanism designed to benchmark governance and accelerate socio-economic development. Focus is placed on findings made on the state of South Africa based on its four thematic areas. Parallels will be made based on the results from the Venter (2005) model, and those obtained from the APRM. , M.A. (Politics)
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Political risk and foreign direct investment in South Africa : using indigenous methods for analysis
- Authors: Mokhele, Khothatso
- Date: 2015
- Subjects: Country risk - South Africa , Investments, Foreign - South Africa , African Peer Review Mechanism
- Language: English
- Type: Masters (Thesis)
- Identifier: http://hdl.handle.net/10210/66654 , uj:17495
- Description: Abstract: This study is a political risk analysis using two indigenous models to review foreign direct investment in South Africa. Focus is placed on South Africa as it positions itself favourably for foreign direct investment (FDI) flows and participates actively in the global economy. While there have been numerous studies on the determinants of FDI flows to developing countries, there is a lack of research surrounding the political dynamics and the impact this has on FDI. This is surprising as an absence of a clear understanding of how political risk analysis is approached may result in understating corporate risk strategies, foregoing opportunities, or the prospects of international capital flows that would otherwise add towards the growth of world trade. In spite of the recommendations and forecasts made, commercial political risk models do not explain or fully capture the politics behind risk analysis. The result is that they are not able to convey nuanced information that is likely to be captured in an indigenous model of political risk. In South Africa Albert Venter (2005) set out to develop a locally informed approach towards the study of political risk analysis. The Venter (2005) model draws on the sterling findings of Howell and Chaddick (1994) to reconfigure a model for political risk analyses and moreover, to assemble a model that is responsive to the South African context. In addition, although not branded as a political risk analysis model, the African Peer Review Mechanism (APRM) forms an indigenous approach towards assessing elements of political risk through a self-appraisal mechanism designed to benchmark governance and accelerate socio-economic development. Focus is placed on findings made on the state of South Africa based on its four thematic areas. Parallels will be made based on the results from the Venter (2005) model, and those obtained from the APRM. , M.A. (Politics)
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The Southern African Development Community (SADC) as a regional security community : an assessment of common defence and security institutions
- Authors: Joseph, Juliet Eileen
- Date: 2016
- Subjects: Southern African Development Community , National security - Africa, Southern , Peace-building - Africa, Southern
- Language: English
- Type: Masters (Thesis)
- Identifier: http://hdl.handle.net/10210/123801 , uj:20837
- Description: Abstract: Please refer to full text to view abstract , M.A. (Politics)
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- Authors: Joseph, Juliet Eileen
- Date: 2016
- Subjects: Southern African Development Community , National security - Africa, Southern , Peace-building - Africa, Southern
- Language: English
- Type: Masters (Thesis)
- Identifier: http://hdl.handle.net/10210/123801 , uj:20837
- Description: Abstract: Please refer to full text to view abstract , M.A. (Politics)
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South Africa’s development assistance paradigm : approach towards Africa
- Achonu-Douglasson, Mark Anthony
- Authors: Achonu-Douglasson, Mark Anthony
- Date: 2017
- Subjects: Economic assistance - South Africa , Economic development projects - South Africa , Economic assistance - Africa , Economic development projects - Africa , South Africa - Foreign relations - Africa , South Africa - Politics and government - 1994- , African cooperation
- Language: English
- Type: Masters (Thesis)
- Identifier: http://hdl.handle.net/10210/226877 , uj:22949
- Description: M.A. (Politics) , Abstract: South Africa‟s transition to democracy in 1994 is seen as a turning point, in ushering in a new phase of engagement in international development cooperation. The country‟s changing approach to international relations, from destabilisation to reconstruction and development saw South Africa increasingly playing a role in Africa and beyond. In South Africa‟s vision of an „African Renaissance‟, with Africa at the centre of foreign policy, and with comparative advantages and experience in multilateral platforms, Pretoria undertook a role as the „voice of Africa‟ in a number of international platforms. This African-centred approach also underpins South Africa‟s development cooperation agenda. An identity as a provider and a recipient of development assistance has further shaped the development cooperation paradigm and the development of a development agency - South Africa‟s Development Partnership Agency (SADPA). Through qualitative analysis this research examines South Africa‟s evolving development assistance paradigm with a particular focus on the approach towards Africa.
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- Authors: Achonu-Douglasson, Mark Anthony
- Date: 2017
- Subjects: Economic assistance - South Africa , Economic development projects - South Africa , Economic assistance - Africa , Economic development projects - Africa , South Africa - Foreign relations - Africa , South Africa - Politics and government - 1994- , African cooperation
- Language: English
- Type: Masters (Thesis)
- Identifier: http://hdl.handle.net/10210/226877 , uj:22949
- Description: M.A. (Politics) , Abstract: South Africa‟s transition to democracy in 1994 is seen as a turning point, in ushering in a new phase of engagement in international development cooperation. The country‟s changing approach to international relations, from destabilisation to reconstruction and development saw South Africa increasingly playing a role in Africa and beyond. In South Africa‟s vision of an „African Renaissance‟, with Africa at the centre of foreign policy, and with comparative advantages and experience in multilateral platforms, Pretoria undertook a role as the „voice of Africa‟ in a number of international platforms. This African-centred approach also underpins South Africa‟s development cooperation agenda. An identity as a provider and a recipient of development assistance has further shaped the development cooperation paradigm and the development of a development agency - South Africa‟s Development Partnership Agency (SADPA). Through qualitative analysis this research examines South Africa‟s evolving development assistance paradigm with a particular focus on the approach towards Africa.
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The diplomatic agenda of an aspiring developmental state: the case of South Africa in multi-lateral engagement
- Authors: Sobekwa, Nezo
- Date: 2019
- Subjects: Cultural policy - South Africa , Cultural pluralism - South Africa , International relations and culture - South Africa , Democratization - South Africa , South Africa - Politics and government , South Africa - Foreign relations
- Language: English
- Type: Masters (Thesis)
- Identifier: http://hdl.handle.net/10210/400364 , uj:33410
- Description: Abstract : Please refer to full text to view abstract. , M.A. (Politics and International Relations)
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- Authors: Sobekwa, Nezo
- Date: 2019
- Subjects: Cultural policy - South Africa , Cultural pluralism - South Africa , International relations and culture - South Africa , Democratization - South Africa , South Africa - Politics and government , South Africa - Foreign relations
- Language: English
- Type: Masters (Thesis)
- Identifier: http://hdl.handle.net/10210/400364 , uj:33410
- Description: Abstract : Please refer to full text to view abstract. , M.A. (Politics and International Relations)
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The quest for democratic developmental states in Africa : a study of Ethiopia, Mauritius and Rwanda
- Authors: Nagar, Marcel Felicity
- Date: 2019
- Subjects: Democratization - Africa , Democracy - Africa , Economic development - Africa , Democracy - Ethiopia , Democracy - Mauritius , Democracy - Rwanda
- Language: English
- Type: Doctoral (Thesis)
- Identifier: http://hdl.handle.net/10210/400304 , uj:33403
- Description: Abstract : Please refer to full text to view abstract. , D.Litt. et Phil. (Politics and International Relations)
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- Authors: Nagar, Marcel Felicity
- Date: 2019
- Subjects: Democratization - Africa , Democracy - Africa , Economic development - Africa , Democracy - Ethiopia , Democracy - Mauritius , Democracy - Rwanda
- Language: English
- Type: Doctoral (Thesis)
- Identifier: http://hdl.handle.net/10210/400304 , uj:33403
- Description: Abstract : Please refer to full text to view abstract. , D.Litt. et Phil. (Politics and International Relations)
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The Pan-African ideal under a new lens : the contributions of Thabo Mbeki of South Africa and Muammar Gaddafi of Libya 1994-2008
- Authors: Suhfree, Cletus Suh
- Date: 2019
- Subjects: Pan Africanism , Mbeki, Thabo , South Africa - Politics and government, 1994- , Gaddafi, Muammar
- Language: English
- Type: Masters (Thesis)
- Identifier: http://hdl.handle.net/10210/411111 , uj:34534
- Description: Abstract: During the period when African countries struggled to gain independence, they embraced the ideology and philosophy of Pan-Africanism that would finally unite the continent as a single unit in the fight against Western imperialism. This struggle that began long before the 1950s can be considered as one of the most significant for people of colour worldwide. It became a time when the ‘black’ race worldwide united against a common enemy, system and policy; and perhaps the highest moment witnessed in history where Africans in the diaspora, like WEB DuBois and Africans on the continent, such as Kwame Nkrumah, achieved solidarity. Williams (2005: 174) iterates that the concept of Pan-Africanism is incomplete if it is not traced as far back as the times of slavery and colonialism where “brothers and sisters of the continent were stolen”. He goes on to highlight the critical role of African warriors like Yaa Asantewaa of the Gold Coast (today’s Ghana) and King Chaka of the Zulu of South Africa whose resistance against Western invasion of Africa was tantamount. When Pan-Africanism became the key hope for Africans, the United States of America (the New World) and the West Indies became the first to implement strategies towards liberating the black race from the bondage of slavery and colonialism. This dissertation concerns itself with 21st century Pan-Africanism, wherein it throws light on the continental political body, the African Union (AU) as well as examining the role played by two distinct ‘sons’ of the union and Pan-Africanist thought leaders in their own rights: Thabo Mbeki, former President of South Africa, and the late Libyan head of state Muammar Gaddafi. From 1994-2008, the dissertation examines their ideals and contributions towards emancipating the people of African descent across the world and on the continent of Africa from foreign control and domination. The study investigates if indeed Mbeki and Gaddafi contributed enough to earn the description of ‘the New Lens' of Pan-Africanism vis-à-vis defending the continent against foreign exploitation, control and domination. The reader is expected to grasp from the dissertation what new impetus Mbeki and Gaddafi caused drawing from the historical development of Pan-African activities which began as a mere concept in the London conference of 1900. One of the hosts at this conference was Henry Sylvester Williams of the West Indies. After London, Pan-Africanist movements eventually sprouted across the diaspora and Africa, particularly after World War I. The role of Du Bois ‘the Father of Pan-Africanism’ is discussed in this study. The study as well deliberates on the Pan-African Congresses and Conferences which paved the way for Pan-African ideals and philosophies among the black race globally. It examines the role of Africans like Nkrumah who became a leading African politician, nationalist and future leader by embracing Pan-Africanist ideals. Moreover, this study examines the Pan-African ideals and contributions of Mbeki and Gaddafi in detail. , M.A. (Politics and International Relations)
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- Authors: Suhfree, Cletus Suh
- Date: 2019
- Subjects: Pan Africanism , Mbeki, Thabo , South Africa - Politics and government, 1994- , Gaddafi, Muammar
- Language: English
- Type: Masters (Thesis)
- Identifier: http://hdl.handle.net/10210/411111 , uj:34534
- Description: Abstract: During the period when African countries struggled to gain independence, they embraced the ideology and philosophy of Pan-Africanism that would finally unite the continent as a single unit in the fight against Western imperialism. This struggle that began long before the 1950s can be considered as one of the most significant for people of colour worldwide. It became a time when the ‘black’ race worldwide united against a common enemy, system and policy; and perhaps the highest moment witnessed in history where Africans in the diaspora, like WEB DuBois and Africans on the continent, such as Kwame Nkrumah, achieved solidarity. Williams (2005: 174) iterates that the concept of Pan-Africanism is incomplete if it is not traced as far back as the times of slavery and colonialism where “brothers and sisters of the continent were stolen”. He goes on to highlight the critical role of African warriors like Yaa Asantewaa of the Gold Coast (today’s Ghana) and King Chaka of the Zulu of South Africa whose resistance against Western invasion of Africa was tantamount. When Pan-Africanism became the key hope for Africans, the United States of America (the New World) and the West Indies became the first to implement strategies towards liberating the black race from the bondage of slavery and colonialism. This dissertation concerns itself with 21st century Pan-Africanism, wherein it throws light on the continental political body, the African Union (AU) as well as examining the role played by two distinct ‘sons’ of the union and Pan-Africanist thought leaders in their own rights: Thabo Mbeki, former President of South Africa, and the late Libyan head of state Muammar Gaddafi. From 1994-2008, the dissertation examines their ideals and contributions towards emancipating the people of African descent across the world and on the continent of Africa from foreign control and domination. The study investigates if indeed Mbeki and Gaddafi contributed enough to earn the description of ‘the New Lens' of Pan-Africanism vis-à-vis defending the continent against foreign exploitation, control and domination. The reader is expected to grasp from the dissertation what new impetus Mbeki and Gaddafi caused drawing from the historical development of Pan-African activities which began as a mere concept in the London conference of 1900. One of the hosts at this conference was Henry Sylvester Williams of the West Indies. After London, Pan-Africanist movements eventually sprouted across the diaspora and Africa, particularly after World War I. The role of Du Bois ‘the Father of Pan-Africanism’ is discussed in this study. The study as well deliberates on the Pan-African Congresses and Conferences which paved the way for Pan-African ideals and philosophies among the black race globally. It examines the role of Africans like Nkrumah who became a leading African politician, nationalist and future leader by embracing Pan-Africanist ideals. Moreover, this study examines the Pan-African ideals and contributions of Mbeki and Gaddafi in detail. , M.A. (Politics and International Relations)
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Venezuela’s human rights record under Hugo Chávez (1999-2013)
- Authors: Mdleleni, Andile
- Date: 2019
- Subjects: Chávez Frías, Hugo , Venezuela - Politics and government, 1999- , Human rights - Venezuela
- Language: English
- Type: Masters (Thesis)
- Identifier: http://hdl.handle.net/10210/410933 , uj:34510
- Description: Abstract: This dissertation is an exploratory study of Venezuela’s human rights regime under Hugo Chávez (1999-2012). This study seeks to find out whether the principles of human rights are universal, or if there is indeed an alternative to universal human rights norms, and if so; how Hugo Chávez implemented this alternative human rights doctrine in Venezuela. This is done by using a theoretical framework that encapsulates human rights theory, universalism and cultural relativism, which are conceptualised in chapter two of this dissertation. In chapter three a history of Venezuela is given, and how it led to Hugo Chávez being elected President of Venezuela, while chapter four tests Venezuela's human rights vis-a-vis universalism and cultural relativism, by looking at the relationship between human rights policy and implementation in Venezuela under Chávez. The findings of this study suggest that Venezuela had a hybridised human rights approach under Chávez which led to the reduction of poverty, unemployment and child mortality. , M.A. (Politics and International Relations)
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- Authors: Mdleleni, Andile
- Date: 2019
- Subjects: Chávez Frías, Hugo , Venezuela - Politics and government, 1999- , Human rights - Venezuela
- Language: English
- Type: Masters (Thesis)
- Identifier: http://hdl.handle.net/10210/410933 , uj:34510
- Description: Abstract: This dissertation is an exploratory study of Venezuela’s human rights regime under Hugo Chávez (1999-2012). This study seeks to find out whether the principles of human rights are universal, or if there is indeed an alternative to universal human rights norms, and if so; how Hugo Chávez implemented this alternative human rights doctrine in Venezuela. This is done by using a theoretical framework that encapsulates human rights theory, universalism and cultural relativism, which are conceptualised in chapter two of this dissertation. In chapter three a history of Venezuela is given, and how it led to Hugo Chávez being elected President of Venezuela, while chapter four tests Venezuela's human rights vis-a-vis universalism and cultural relativism, by looking at the relationship between human rights policy and implementation in Venezuela under Chávez. The findings of this study suggest that Venezuela had a hybridised human rights approach under Chávez which led to the reduction of poverty, unemployment and child mortality. , M.A. (Politics and International Relations)
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South Africa's national interests in Africa during the Mbeki years, 1999-2008
- Authors: Maimela, David M
- Date: 2019
- Subjects: Mbeki, Thabo , South Africa. bPresident (1999-2008) : Mbeki) , South Africa - Foreign relations - Africa
- Language: English
- Type: Masters (Thesis)
- Identifier: http://hdl.handle.net/10210/411616 , uj:34598
- Description: Abstract: The study seeks to understand South Africa’s national interest in Africa between 1999 and 2008, the Mbeki era. It is after all the years in which the African Agenda policy framework emerged and solidified. The thesis takes the policy framework of the ‘African Agenda’ and interrogates the nature, content and manifestation of South Africa’s national interest toward Africa. This is assessed through two primary questions: (1) how is the national interest manifested in South Africa’s foreign policy toward Africa (2), how does South Africa conduct its international relations with the African continent. The study has five key findings, namely; that in the period between 1999 and 2008, the pursuit of the African Agenda was the pursuit of South Africa’s national interest. Largely through practice, South Africa evolved a uniquely South African notion of the national interest at least in so far as Africa is concerned. Such a national interest was defined as and was constituted of following programmes: New Partnership for Africa’s Development (NEPAD) (development), the African Peer Review Mechanism (APRM), regional integration and peace and security (peace diplomacy). Secondly, the pursuit South Africa’s conception and manifestation of the national interest straddles a number of theoretical traditions. As the study shows, at times, South Africa’s foreign policy towards Africa combines realism and constructivism, with some uniquely South African transformationalist tendencies. This means that South Africa takes a pragmatic as opposed to a deterministic or ideologically dogmatic approach towards to formulating the national interest. Thirdly, it finds that between 1999 and 2008, the Mbeki years, South Africa’s national interest adopted a responsible and progressive international relations posture emphasising individual country interests, in the context of the collective destiny of the African region. This means that South Africa saw its national interests as intertwined with the continental interests. South Africa’s foreign policy towards Africa combines realism and constructivism, with some uniquely South African transformationalist tendencies... , M.A. (Political Studies)
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- Authors: Maimela, David M
- Date: 2019
- Subjects: Mbeki, Thabo , South Africa. bPresident (1999-2008) : Mbeki) , South Africa - Foreign relations - Africa
- Language: English
- Type: Masters (Thesis)
- Identifier: http://hdl.handle.net/10210/411616 , uj:34598
- Description: Abstract: The study seeks to understand South Africa’s national interest in Africa between 1999 and 2008, the Mbeki era. It is after all the years in which the African Agenda policy framework emerged and solidified. The thesis takes the policy framework of the ‘African Agenda’ and interrogates the nature, content and manifestation of South Africa’s national interest toward Africa. This is assessed through two primary questions: (1) how is the national interest manifested in South Africa’s foreign policy toward Africa (2), how does South Africa conduct its international relations with the African continent. The study has five key findings, namely; that in the period between 1999 and 2008, the pursuit of the African Agenda was the pursuit of South Africa’s national interest. Largely through practice, South Africa evolved a uniquely South African notion of the national interest at least in so far as Africa is concerned. Such a national interest was defined as and was constituted of following programmes: New Partnership for Africa’s Development (NEPAD) (development), the African Peer Review Mechanism (APRM), regional integration and peace and security (peace diplomacy). Secondly, the pursuit South Africa’s conception and manifestation of the national interest straddles a number of theoretical traditions. As the study shows, at times, South Africa’s foreign policy towards Africa combines realism and constructivism, with some uniquely South African transformationalist tendencies. This means that South Africa takes a pragmatic as opposed to a deterministic or ideologically dogmatic approach towards to formulating the national interest. Thirdly, it finds that between 1999 and 2008, the Mbeki years, South Africa’s national interest adopted a responsible and progressive international relations posture emphasising individual country interests, in the context of the collective destiny of the African region. This means that South Africa saw its national interests as intertwined with the continental interests. South Africa’s foreign policy towards Africa combines realism and constructivism, with some uniquely South African transformationalist tendencies... , M.A. (Political Studies)
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The sustainability of the integrated human settlement policy implementation in the City of Johannesburg
- Authors: Baloi, Thabo David
- Date: 2020
- Subjects: Public housing - South Africa - Management , Sustainable development - South Africa
- Language: English , University of Johannesburg
- Type: Masters (Thesis)
- Identifier: http://hdl.handle.net/10210/421146 , uj:35886
- Description: Abstract: Since the end of apartheid, the African National Congress-led government has utilised many resources in order to build three million low cost houses for poor families. Very few countries have been able to accomplish this goal. There is evidence to prove that the present housing approaches are not able to meet the set-out objectives. The challenges militating against the delivery of this mandate includes flawed policies, an expanding housing backlog, budgetary allocations, an inefficient public service and corruption. Presently, human settlement in South Africa has had a change in standard to a maintainable methodology. The position of this study is to assess this change in the standard of human settlement in terms of the UN Habitat Agenda, Millennium Development Goals, Breaking New Ground strategy and the National Development Plan, particularly concerning the production of sustainable integrated human settlements... , M.Com. (Public Management and Governance)
- Full Text:
- Authors: Baloi, Thabo David
- Date: 2020
- Subjects: Public housing - South Africa - Management , Sustainable development - South Africa
- Language: English , University of Johannesburg
- Type: Masters (Thesis)
- Identifier: http://hdl.handle.net/10210/421146 , uj:35886
- Description: Abstract: Since the end of apartheid, the African National Congress-led government has utilised many resources in order to build three million low cost houses for poor families. Very few countries have been able to accomplish this goal. There is evidence to prove that the present housing approaches are not able to meet the set-out objectives. The challenges militating against the delivery of this mandate includes flawed policies, an expanding housing backlog, budgetary allocations, an inefficient public service and corruption. Presently, human settlement in South Africa has had a change in standard to a maintainable methodology. The position of this study is to assess this change in the standard of human settlement in terms of the UN Habitat Agenda, Millennium Development Goals, Breaking New Ground strategy and the National Development Plan, particularly concerning the production of sustainable integrated human settlements... , M.Com. (Public Management and Governance)
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A critical analysis of the recurrence of coups in the Kingdom of Lesotho – 1970-2014
- Authors: Letshele, Letlhogonolo Mpho
- Date: 2019
- Subjects: Coups d'état - Lesotho , Military government - Lesotho
- Language: English
- Type: Masters (Thesis)
- Identifier: http://hdl.handle.net/10210/420364 , uj:35788
- Description: M.A. , Abstract: Since its independence, the Kingdom of Lesotho has experienced the recurrence of coups (1970-2014). A process of re-democratisation was attempted in the country in 1993 but another coup succeeded the elections. The next elections in 1998 were marked by the worst political violence in the history of Lesotho. Electoral reforms were then introduced in 2002. Still, the reforms did not prevent the coup attempt in 2014. Understanding the factors causing these coups, and other related problems of political instability, is important for solving Lesotho’s general social and economic challenges. This study attempts to provide an explanation for recurrent coups in Lesotho by critically assessing the sociopolitical factors that nurture this practice; and examines particular patterns of events that could present the likelihood of the occurrence of these coups. By using a historical analysis of the trajectory of these coups, the study endeavours to identify the triggers of the coups and relate these to national political developments. The study makes use of a qualitative research design, and uses mostly secondary sources of data. The results are analysed via content analysis to identify the trigger similarities and differences, and correlations among the coups.
- Full Text:
- Authors: Letshele, Letlhogonolo Mpho
- Date: 2019
- Subjects: Coups d'état - Lesotho , Military government - Lesotho
- Language: English
- Type: Masters (Thesis)
- Identifier: http://hdl.handle.net/10210/420364 , uj:35788
- Description: M.A. , Abstract: Since its independence, the Kingdom of Lesotho has experienced the recurrence of coups (1970-2014). A process of re-democratisation was attempted in the country in 1993 but another coup succeeded the elections. The next elections in 1998 were marked by the worst political violence in the history of Lesotho. Electoral reforms were then introduced in 2002. Still, the reforms did not prevent the coup attempt in 2014. Understanding the factors causing these coups, and other related problems of political instability, is important for solving Lesotho’s general social and economic challenges. This study attempts to provide an explanation for recurrent coups in Lesotho by critically assessing the sociopolitical factors that nurture this practice; and examines particular patterns of events that could present the likelihood of the occurrence of these coups. By using a historical analysis of the trajectory of these coups, the study endeavours to identify the triggers of the coups and relate these to national political developments. The study makes use of a qualitative research design, and uses mostly secondary sources of data. The results are analysed via content analysis to identify the trigger similarities and differences, and correlations among the coups.
- Full Text:
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