Nationalisation of the mining industry : workers’ views at Lonmin Marikana
- Authors: Mohlue, Lebogang Surprise
- Date: 2019
- Subjects: Mines and mineral resources - Government ownership - South Africa , Government monopolies - South Africa , South Africa - Economic policy , Miners - South Africa - Rustenburg , Marikana (Rustenburg, South Africa)
- Language: English
- Type: Masters (Thesis)
- Identifier: http://hdl.handle.net/10210/454844 , uj:40236
- Description: Abstract: This study focuses on the views of mine workers with regards to the proposed nationalisation of mines in South Africa. A vast body of literature already exists about nationalisation, workers experiences in the workplace, their attitudes and the advantages and disadvantages of nationalisation; however, research indicates that there is a gap in literature about the views and attitudes of workers, specifically in relation to this research topic. The aim of this research is to explore workers’ views about nationalisation of the mining industry and how these views are shaped. This study uses Lonmin Marikana because it is an exceptional place and due to past events, these have given rise to workers being able to raise their voices about various issues they are facing and their views on various mining experiences. Literature indicates that the issue of nationalisation in South Africa has become debateable in the political spheres and political parties and unions such as the EFF, ANC, NUM and AMCU are at the centre of these debates. One of the arguments in favour of nationalisation is that it will prevent unfair exploitation and keep the means of generating wealth under public control, thus reducing the power of private capitalists. The argument in favour of private ownership is that it attracts international industry investors who will contribute to the growth of the economy. These arguments however fail to account for the views of mineworkers. Therefore, a small group of mineworkers from Lonmin were interviewed in this study, including certain political figures. Findings indicate that mineworkers’ views are mainly shaped by their experiences in the mining workplace and that the various forms of nationalisation they prefer are shaped by their affiliation to a particular political party and the past events that have occurred, such as the Marikana Massacre. Although the evens of the Massacre have shaped the views of mineworkers about nationalisation of mines, almost all of the mineworkers that were interviewed were more interested in change in experiences, thus, relating their views to workplace experiences and living conditions. Workers are in favour of nationalisation of the mining industry, but it is the form of nationalisation that differentiates their views. While some are in favour of nationalisation under the control of the EFF which they believe will bring change and fix the situations in the mining industry, others are in favour of nationalisation under the control of the ANC, believing that it is the only party that will truly always put South Africans’ interests first as it did during the apartheid era. , M.A. (Industrial Sociology)
- Full Text:
- Authors: Mohlue, Lebogang Surprise
- Date: 2019
- Subjects: Mines and mineral resources - Government ownership - South Africa , Government monopolies - South Africa , South Africa - Economic policy , Miners - South Africa - Rustenburg , Marikana (Rustenburg, South Africa)
- Language: English
- Type: Masters (Thesis)
- Identifier: http://hdl.handle.net/10210/454844 , uj:40236
- Description: Abstract: This study focuses on the views of mine workers with regards to the proposed nationalisation of mines in South Africa. A vast body of literature already exists about nationalisation, workers experiences in the workplace, their attitudes and the advantages and disadvantages of nationalisation; however, research indicates that there is a gap in literature about the views and attitudes of workers, specifically in relation to this research topic. The aim of this research is to explore workers’ views about nationalisation of the mining industry and how these views are shaped. This study uses Lonmin Marikana because it is an exceptional place and due to past events, these have given rise to workers being able to raise their voices about various issues they are facing and their views on various mining experiences. Literature indicates that the issue of nationalisation in South Africa has become debateable in the political spheres and political parties and unions such as the EFF, ANC, NUM and AMCU are at the centre of these debates. One of the arguments in favour of nationalisation is that it will prevent unfair exploitation and keep the means of generating wealth under public control, thus reducing the power of private capitalists. The argument in favour of private ownership is that it attracts international industry investors who will contribute to the growth of the economy. These arguments however fail to account for the views of mineworkers. Therefore, a small group of mineworkers from Lonmin were interviewed in this study, including certain political figures. Findings indicate that mineworkers’ views are mainly shaped by their experiences in the mining workplace and that the various forms of nationalisation they prefer are shaped by their affiliation to a particular political party and the past events that have occurred, such as the Marikana Massacre. Although the evens of the Massacre have shaped the views of mineworkers about nationalisation of mines, almost all of the mineworkers that were interviewed were more interested in change in experiences, thus, relating their views to workplace experiences and living conditions. Workers are in favour of nationalisation of the mining industry, but it is the form of nationalisation that differentiates their views. While some are in favour of nationalisation under the control of the EFF which they believe will bring change and fix the situations in the mining industry, others are in favour of nationalisation under the control of the ANC, believing that it is the only party that will truly always put South Africans’ interests first as it did during the apartheid era. , M.A. (Industrial Sociology)
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Violent democracy, oligarchy and experiences in the Ekurhuleni taxi industry
- Authors: Moloto, Boikanyo Rose
- Date: 2017
- Subjects: Taxicab drivers - Crimes against - South Africa , Taxicab industry - South Africa , Violence - South Africa , Victims of violent crimes - South Africa , Oligarchy - South Africa
- Language: English
- Type: Masters (Thesis)
- Identifier: http://hdl.handle.net/10210/271305 , uj:28852
- Description: M.A. (Industrial Sociology) , Abstract: Violence and conflict are a notable feature in South Africa’s taxi industry and have been since the 1970s. To date, most academic literature has focused on the industry’s economic impact, deregulation and policy development. What has been missing is the perspective of owners and drivers in the industry. The dissertation addresses this gap by analysing experiences within one particular taxi association, which is located in Ekurhuleni, a part of the country where violent conflict is endemic. Empirical findings and analysis are based on semi-structured interviews and a research diary, which contained observations and notes on conversations with elderly members of the community. At an early stage, research revealed that taxi conflict could only be understood within the context of localised ‘social order’. Deploying Karl von Holdt’s concept of ‘violent democracy’, it is shown that violence is part of a repertoire of actions, both peaceful and violent, used to build and maintain local social order. What emerges is a picture of ‘state-like’ bodies that exist beyond, and sometimes in conflict with, official regulation and normal policing. While the Ekurhuleni Taxi Association (ETA), the focus of this study, proclaimed itself to be democratic, on the contrary, it was run on the basis of ‘rule by a few’, that is, ‘oligarchy’. The dissertation concludes by moving beyond von Holdt’s emphasis on the ability of violence and democracy to co-exist, to argue that the taxi industry, at least in Ekurhuleni, is based on principles of oligarchy that are inherently violent. Finally, it is postulated that below the formality of democracy, much social and political life in South Africa might usefully be re-cast as oligarchy.
- Full Text:
- Authors: Moloto, Boikanyo Rose
- Date: 2017
- Subjects: Taxicab drivers - Crimes against - South Africa , Taxicab industry - South Africa , Violence - South Africa , Victims of violent crimes - South Africa , Oligarchy - South Africa
- Language: English
- Type: Masters (Thesis)
- Identifier: http://hdl.handle.net/10210/271305 , uj:28852
- Description: M.A. (Industrial Sociology) , Abstract: Violence and conflict are a notable feature in South Africa’s taxi industry and have been since the 1970s. To date, most academic literature has focused on the industry’s economic impact, deregulation and policy development. What has been missing is the perspective of owners and drivers in the industry. The dissertation addresses this gap by analysing experiences within one particular taxi association, which is located in Ekurhuleni, a part of the country where violent conflict is endemic. Empirical findings and analysis are based on semi-structured interviews and a research diary, which contained observations and notes on conversations with elderly members of the community. At an early stage, research revealed that taxi conflict could only be understood within the context of localised ‘social order’. Deploying Karl von Holdt’s concept of ‘violent democracy’, it is shown that violence is part of a repertoire of actions, both peaceful and violent, used to build and maintain local social order. What emerges is a picture of ‘state-like’ bodies that exist beyond, and sometimes in conflict with, official regulation and normal policing. While the Ekurhuleni Taxi Association (ETA), the focus of this study, proclaimed itself to be democratic, on the contrary, it was run on the basis of ‘rule by a few’, that is, ‘oligarchy’. The dissertation concludes by moving beyond von Holdt’s emphasis on the ability of violence and democracy to co-exist, to argue that the taxi industry, at least in Ekurhuleni, is based on principles of oligarchy that are inherently violent. Finally, it is postulated that below the formality of democracy, much social and political life in South Africa might usefully be re-cast as oligarchy.
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Municipal solid waste, social conflicts and sustainable cities : Johannesburg and Nairobi compared
- Ikiara-Zamberia, Christine N.
- Authors: Ikiara-Zamberia, Christine N.
- Date: 2016
- Subjects: Sustainable development - Citizen participation , Social conflict , Refuse and refuse disposal , Urban ecology (Sociology)
- Language: English
- Type: Doctoral (Thesis)
- Identifier: http://hdl.handle.net/10210/123753 , uj:20831
- Description: Abstract: This thesis examines the nature of the relationship between social conflicts and sustainable development. It focuses on the significance of the social conflicts that are associated with municipal solid waste on the sustainable development of the cities of Nairobi, Kenya and Johannesburg, South Africa. The principal assumption of the thesis is that, depending on the way social conflicts are conducted, conflicts can have constructive or destructive outcomes for society. Consequently, social conflicts can have negative or positive implications for the specific sector in dispute, primarily, and ultimately, for social, economic or environmental dimensions of development that under-gird the sustainable development of cities. The nature and direction of the association between social conflicts and sustainable cities in the context of municipal solid waste is, nevertheless, largely obscure. The thesis contends that an appreciation of the social conflicts in municipal solid waste is critical to unearthing the inherent but often invisible dimensions of society and development that impact municipal solid waste management. It is also critical to illuminating the manner in which municipal solid waste and its management, in turn, impact society and the sustainable development of cities. Such an understanding entails an identification of the social conflicts that are associated with municipal solid waste, establishment of their causes, conduct and impact on the sustainable management of municipal solid waste primarily and, overall, on the sustainable development of cities. By labelling specific outcomes of social conflicts such as the amicable resolution of issues in contention as resulting in constructive outcomes for municipal solid waste management or specific socio-economic and environmental dimensions of development and, alternatively, designating outcomes such as the violent and harmful conduct of conflict as destructive, it is possible to establish an association between social conflicts, municipal solid waste and sustainable cities. Social conflicts are thus indicators of problems and contradictions within the municipal sustainable development agenda and an indicator of the gaps that need remedy. The study utilises mixed methods research and comparative data from the cities of Nairobi and Johannesburg with survey data from the low-income neighbourhoods of Dandora and Alexandra, the high-income neighbourhoods of Muthaiga and Sandton, and various stakeholders in municipal solid waste management. It examines the municipal solid waste stream from the household and residential neighbourhood, through the process of collection,.. , D.Litt. et Phil. (Sociology)
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- Authors: Ikiara-Zamberia, Christine N.
- Date: 2016
- Subjects: Sustainable development - Citizen participation , Social conflict , Refuse and refuse disposal , Urban ecology (Sociology)
- Language: English
- Type: Doctoral (Thesis)
- Identifier: http://hdl.handle.net/10210/123753 , uj:20831
- Description: Abstract: This thesis examines the nature of the relationship between social conflicts and sustainable development. It focuses on the significance of the social conflicts that are associated with municipal solid waste on the sustainable development of the cities of Nairobi, Kenya and Johannesburg, South Africa. The principal assumption of the thesis is that, depending on the way social conflicts are conducted, conflicts can have constructive or destructive outcomes for society. Consequently, social conflicts can have negative or positive implications for the specific sector in dispute, primarily, and ultimately, for social, economic or environmental dimensions of development that under-gird the sustainable development of cities. The nature and direction of the association between social conflicts and sustainable cities in the context of municipal solid waste is, nevertheless, largely obscure. The thesis contends that an appreciation of the social conflicts in municipal solid waste is critical to unearthing the inherent but often invisible dimensions of society and development that impact municipal solid waste management. It is also critical to illuminating the manner in which municipal solid waste and its management, in turn, impact society and the sustainable development of cities. Such an understanding entails an identification of the social conflicts that are associated with municipal solid waste, establishment of their causes, conduct and impact on the sustainable management of municipal solid waste primarily and, overall, on the sustainable development of cities. By labelling specific outcomes of social conflicts such as the amicable resolution of issues in contention as resulting in constructive outcomes for municipal solid waste management or specific socio-economic and environmental dimensions of development and, alternatively, designating outcomes such as the violent and harmful conduct of conflict as destructive, it is possible to establish an association between social conflicts, municipal solid waste and sustainable cities. Social conflicts are thus indicators of problems and contradictions within the municipal sustainable development agenda and an indicator of the gaps that need remedy. The study utilises mixed methods research and comparative data from the cities of Nairobi and Johannesburg with survey data from the low-income neighbourhoods of Dandora and Alexandra, the high-income neighbourhoods of Muthaiga and Sandton, and various stakeholders in municipal solid waste management. It examines the municipal solid waste stream from the household and residential neighbourhood, through the process of collection,.. , D.Litt. et Phil. (Sociology)
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South African filmmakers’ identities and social change
- Authors: Basson, Lauren
- Date: 2015
- Subjects: Motion picture industry - South Africa , Film adaptations - South Africa , Motion pictures in ethnology - South Africa , Motion pictures - Production and direction - South Africa
- Language: English
- Type: Doctoral (Thesis)
- Identifier: http://hdl.handle.net/10210/59589 , uj:16551
- Description: Abstract: Social change is the predominant trope in South African films, ranging from documentary to fiction films. This study contributes to literature from sociology and film studies, by focusing on filmmakers in post-apartheid South Africa and why so many of them have chosen to reflect on social and political issues in their films. I adopted an identity approach, drawing primarily from the theories of Stuart Hall, Manuel Castells and Neville Alexander, as a means to understand the motivations and desires of South African filmmakers. My research question was as follows: ‘How do the identities of South African filmmakers impact on possibilities for social change?’ The research methods included interviews with key informants, the compilation of a filmmaker database, a survey, the collection of curricula vitae, semi-structured interviews with filmmakers and the analysis of South African films and policy documents. The data collected, between 2010 and 2013, revealed that while there are differences and exclusions based on race, class, gender and age identities in post-apartheid society, and they are reflected in film, the practice of South African filmmakers is one that emphasises commonalities, rather than divergences. This ‘shared experience’ of filmmaking in South Africa has contributed to a common concern about social change. This interest in social change has been shaped by a violent past, the subversive tradition of anti-apartheid filmmakers, and continuing social and political problems in contemporary South Africa, such as racism and poverty (which are experienced directly by many filmmakers). The policies and funding initiatives of post-apartheid national film institutions have also encouraged filmmakers to explore South Africa’s history and national identity through their films. The introduction of digital film technology and the internet has made it cheaper and easier to distribute films for social change across the geographical and class divides still entrenched in South Africa, which has tended to re-inforce the affinity between local filmmakers and social change. In this thesis I argue that, the identities of South African filmmakers do impact on possibilities for social change, because their agency and desires have contributed to a collection of movies that challenge us to question the society we live in and to keep trying for a better world. , D.Litt. et Phil. (Sociology)
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- Authors: Basson, Lauren
- Date: 2015
- Subjects: Motion picture industry - South Africa , Film adaptations - South Africa , Motion pictures in ethnology - South Africa , Motion pictures - Production and direction - South Africa
- Language: English
- Type: Doctoral (Thesis)
- Identifier: http://hdl.handle.net/10210/59589 , uj:16551
- Description: Abstract: Social change is the predominant trope in South African films, ranging from documentary to fiction films. This study contributes to literature from sociology and film studies, by focusing on filmmakers in post-apartheid South Africa and why so many of them have chosen to reflect on social and political issues in their films. I adopted an identity approach, drawing primarily from the theories of Stuart Hall, Manuel Castells and Neville Alexander, as a means to understand the motivations and desires of South African filmmakers. My research question was as follows: ‘How do the identities of South African filmmakers impact on possibilities for social change?’ The research methods included interviews with key informants, the compilation of a filmmaker database, a survey, the collection of curricula vitae, semi-structured interviews with filmmakers and the analysis of South African films and policy documents. The data collected, between 2010 and 2013, revealed that while there are differences and exclusions based on race, class, gender and age identities in post-apartheid society, and they are reflected in film, the practice of South African filmmakers is one that emphasises commonalities, rather than divergences. This ‘shared experience’ of filmmaking in South Africa has contributed to a common concern about social change. This interest in social change has been shaped by a violent past, the subversive tradition of anti-apartheid filmmakers, and continuing social and political problems in contemporary South Africa, such as racism and poverty (which are experienced directly by many filmmakers). The policies and funding initiatives of post-apartheid national film institutions have also encouraged filmmakers to explore South Africa’s history and national identity through their films. The introduction of digital film technology and the internet has made it cheaper and easier to distribute films for social change across the geographical and class divides still entrenched in South Africa, which has tended to re-inforce the affinity between local filmmakers and social change. In this thesis I argue that, the identities of South African filmmakers do impact on possibilities for social change, because their agency and desires have contributed to a collection of movies that challenge us to question the society we live in and to keep trying for a better world. , D.Litt. et Phil. (Sociology)
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Understanding the place of sangomas in young men’s lives : a sociological study in Chiawelo, Soweto
- Authors: Nyundu, Tonny Thabiso
- Date: 2015
- Subjects: Young men - Social conditions , Customary law - South Africa - Soweto , Multiculturalism - South Africa - Soweto
- Language: English
- Type: Masters (Thesis)
- Identifier: http://hdl.handle.net/10210/59619 , uj:16554
- Description: Abstract: Many scholars argue that the cultural beliefs of South Africa‟s youth are being, progressively over time, reshaped and revised. With respect to sangomas and how they are viewed, there is some debate on whether young men revere them, visit them regularly, or take seriously their healing rituals and social roles. Currently, there is inadequate information on young people‟s experiences and thinking on sangomas within a sociological framework. Young South African men seem to draw on the services of sangomas, but that does not mean that they hold positive attitudes towards them as anomic situations may compel them to try everything within their power when facing desperate circumstances and extreme adversity. Through in-depth interviews with 15 participants, of whom 11 were young men in the age group 18-35 years and 4 key informants, all residing in Chiawelo in Soweto, in the South of Johannesburg, qualitative insights were built. The in-depth interviews were followed by a quantitative survey of 100 young men in Chiawelo. As such, the study captures the voices of marginalised youth, who are rarely heard and engaged with in their social context. The findings offer insight into the dominant institutions that shape views of sangomas and highlight a diverse set of issues constructing young men‟s lived experiences. The findings, in summary, reveal that most young men in Chiawelo do not hold a special place for sangomas in their lives. However, they are aware that life has circumstances that prompt one to consult them for immediate or out-of-the-ordinary help, particularly if trusted institutions do not provide satisfactory assistance. Given the insecurities of the present and prevailing scepticism, there remains some space for the youth to consult sangomas in the future or to respond to the call of becoming a sangoma. The pool of available sangomas is also diversifying along the lines of race, gender, class and ethnicity. This suggests that some form of demand exists for the services and thus remains as an inviting resource for young people to access, despite the existence of Christian beliefs and practices. The dissertation concludes with thoughts about theoretical relevance and future studies. , M.A. (Sociology)
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- Authors: Nyundu, Tonny Thabiso
- Date: 2015
- Subjects: Young men - Social conditions , Customary law - South Africa - Soweto , Multiculturalism - South Africa - Soweto
- Language: English
- Type: Masters (Thesis)
- Identifier: http://hdl.handle.net/10210/59619 , uj:16554
- Description: Abstract: Many scholars argue that the cultural beliefs of South Africa‟s youth are being, progressively over time, reshaped and revised. With respect to sangomas and how they are viewed, there is some debate on whether young men revere them, visit them regularly, or take seriously their healing rituals and social roles. Currently, there is inadequate information on young people‟s experiences and thinking on sangomas within a sociological framework. Young South African men seem to draw on the services of sangomas, but that does not mean that they hold positive attitudes towards them as anomic situations may compel them to try everything within their power when facing desperate circumstances and extreme adversity. Through in-depth interviews with 15 participants, of whom 11 were young men in the age group 18-35 years and 4 key informants, all residing in Chiawelo in Soweto, in the South of Johannesburg, qualitative insights were built. The in-depth interviews were followed by a quantitative survey of 100 young men in Chiawelo. As such, the study captures the voices of marginalised youth, who are rarely heard and engaged with in their social context. The findings offer insight into the dominant institutions that shape views of sangomas and highlight a diverse set of issues constructing young men‟s lived experiences. The findings, in summary, reveal that most young men in Chiawelo do not hold a special place for sangomas in their lives. However, they are aware that life has circumstances that prompt one to consult them for immediate or out-of-the-ordinary help, particularly if trusted institutions do not provide satisfactory assistance. Given the insecurities of the present and prevailing scepticism, there remains some space for the youth to consult sangomas in the future or to respond to the call of becoming a sangoma. The pool of available sangomas is also diversifying along the lines of race, gender, class and ethnicity. This suggests that some form of demand exists for the services and thus remains as an inviting resource for young people to access, despite the existence of Christian beliefs and practices. The dissertation concludes with thoughts about theoretical relevance and future studies. , M.A. (Sociology)
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Women of Marikana : survival and struggles
- Authors: Ndibongo, Bridget
- Date: 2015
- Subjects: Marikana (Rustenburg, South Africa) , Platinum mines and mining - South Africa - Marikana , Massacres - South Africa - Marikana , Strikes and lockouts - Mines - South Africa - Marikana , Women - Political activity - South Africa - Marikana
- Language: English
- Type: Masters (Thesis)
- Identifier: http://hdl.handle.net/10210/59526 , uj:16541
- Description: Abstract: On 16 August 2012, 34 striking miners were killed at Marikana, a small mining town in Rustenburg, South Africa. The massacre received considerable media attention around the world. It has been scrutinised by a Presidential Commission of Inquiry, and it has provided a focus for academic writing that spanned across mining economics, iniquities of migrant labour, responsibility for the tragedy, policing, living and working conditions and union organisation. However, very little has been said about the women who lived side by side with the striking workers. These were women whose poverty helped propel the fight for a living wage and who suffered from police repression. They were often treated badly by their husbands and boyfriends; but, their leadership and solidarity made it possible for the miners to win a five-month strike in 2014. This dissertation provides a feminist contribution in its analysis of this seminal moment in South African history. In the process, it offers a vantage point from which to learn more about the lives of women in South Africa’s mining communities and about their capacity to change those lives. It also shows that women in mining communities are not mere extensions of male miners, but have their own agency, interests, ideas and forms of mobilisation which need to be recognised and acknowledged. In attempting to offer the perspectives of women in Marikana, various research methods were deployed and integrated. These included a survey, participant and non-participant observation, informal conversations and semi-structured and life-history interviews. Most data has been analysed and presented thematically. However, there are also three autobiographical life histories. These help to understand the women holistically and without imposing the author’s opinions. Four engagements, including report-back meetings, were held as a way of showing respect and gratitude to the women who participated in the project. These sessions, along with small acts of practical support, helped win trust among the women when tension and fear were widespread following the Marikana massacre. The dissertation reports on how the massacre and the related strikes impacted on the lives of women in Marikana. The findings reject a linear model of activism that sees women moving from domestic passivity to political activity as a consequence of involvement in the strike. This breaks... , M.A. (Sociology)
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- Authors: Ndibongo, Bridget
- Date: 2015
- Subjects: Marikana (Rustenburg, South Africa) , Platinum mines and mining - South Africa - Marikana , Massacres - South Africa - Marikana , Strikes and lockouts - Mines - South Africa - Marikana , Women - Political activity - South Africa - Marikana
- Language: English
- Type: Masters (Thesis)
- Identifier: http://hdl.handle.net/10210/59526 , uj:16541
- Description: Abstract: On 16 August 2012, 34 striking miners were killed at Marikana, a small mining town in Rustenburg, South Africa. The massacre received considerable media attention around the world. It has been scrutinised by a Presidential Commission of Inquiry, and it has provided a focus for academic writing that spanned across mining economics, iniquities of migrant labour, responsibility for the tragedy, policing, living and working conditions and union organisation. However, very little has been said about the women who lived side by side with the striking workers. These were women whose poverty helped propel the fight for a living wage and who suffered from police repression. They were often treated badly by their husbands and boyfriends; but, their leadership and solidarity made it possible for the miners to win a five-month strike in 2014. This dissertation provides a feminist contribution in its analysis of this seminal moment in South African history. In the process, it offers a vantage point from which to learn more about the lives of women in South Africa’s mining communities and about their capacity to change those lives. It also shows that women in mining communities are not mere extensions of male miners, but have their own agency, interests, ideas and forms of mobilisation which need to be recognised and acknowledged. In attempting to offer the perspectives of women in Marikana, various research methods were deployed and integrated. These included a survey, participant and non-participant observation, informal conversations and semi-structured and life-history interviews. Most data has been analysed and presented thematically. However, there are also three autobiographical life histories. These help to understand the women holistically and without imposing the author’s opinions. Four engagements, including report-back meetings, were held as a way of showing respect and gratitude to the women who participated in the project. These sessions, along with small acts of practical support, helped win trust among the women when tension and fear were widespread following the Marikana massacre. The dissertation reports on how the massacre and the related strikes impacted on the lives of women in Marikana. The findings reject a linear model of activism that sees women moving from domestic passivity to political activity as a consequence of involvement in the strike. This breaks... , M.A. (Sociology)
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Youth, protest and political participation : the case of Zamdela, Sasolburg
- Authors: Rampedi, Mahlatse Edward
- Date: 2015
- Subjects: Youth movements - South Africa - Sasolburg , Political participation - South Africa - Sasolburg , Youth - Political activity - South Africa - Sasolburg , Political activists - South Africa - Sasolburg
- Language: English
- Type: Masters (Thesis)
- Identifier: http://hdl.handle.net/10210/59550 , uj:16544
- Description: Abstract: Scholars agree that the number of protests in South Africa is rising and that young people are often at the forefront of these uprisings. Some have referred to it as a ‘rebellion’ to give an indication of the scale of protest activity in the country (Alexander 2010). While scholarly literature on the general phenomenon is quiet extensive, research on youth participation is limited. This dissertation addresses this weakness by means of a case study on Zamdela, a township close to Sasolburg, which is located 90 kilometres south of Johannesburg. On 22 January 2013 people from Zamdela participated in a large and violent protest where looting and destruction were widespread and over five thousand people, many of them young people, were observed to have participated in the protest. The main focus of the protest was to act against the amalgamation of the Ngwathe and Metsimaholo municipalities and to express discontent with the African National Congress (ANC) provincial Premier. This dissertation seeks to answer how and why youth in Zamdela engage in protest and how that impacts on their political participation including voting in elections. A mixed methods approach was utilised. Most information comes from interviews with young people (non-participants as well as well as those who joined the action), but use has also been made of documentary evidence, observation, interviews with older people, and some quantitative data that was also collected. It makes a contribution to our conceptualisation of youth in three ways. First it shows that young people in Zamdela tend to define the term experientially, emphasising social responsibility but also physical capacity. Secondly, a distinction is made between ‘older youth’ and ‘younger youth’. This is based mainly on political attitudes, and the dividing line is roughly between those born before and after 1990. Thirdly, I suggest the nearest similar word to ‘youth’ in Sesotho has different connotations to the English word. This highlights the need for take greater care with translation, because words are embedded in social experiences, and so provide clues to the way these vary. I provide the study of social conflict in South Africa with a detailed timeline of the action that occurred in Zamdela, thus offering a micro- sociological account that goes beyond journalistic reports. This includes a map showing the progress of the... , M.A. (Sociology)
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- Authors: Rampedi, Mahlatse Edward
- Date: 2015
- Subjects: Youth movements - South Africa - Sasolburg , Political participation - South Africa - Sasolburg , Youth - Political activity - South Africa - Sasolburg , Political activists - South Africa - Sasolburg
- Language: English
- Type: Masters (Thesis)
- Identifier: http://hdl.handle.net/10210/59550 , uj:16544
- Description: Abstract: Scholars agree that the number of protests in South Africa is rising and that young people are often at the forefront of these uprisings. Some have referred to it as a ‘rebellion’ to give an indication of the scale of protest activity in the country (Alexander 2010). While scholarly literature on the general phenomenon is quiet extensive, research on youth participation is limited. This dissertation addresses this weakness by means of a case study on Zamdela, a township close to Sasolburg, which is located 90 kilometres south of Johannesburg. On 22 January 2013 people from Zamdela participated in a large and violent protest where looting and destruction were widespread and over five thousand people, many of them young people, were observed to have participated in the protest. The main focus of the protest was to act against the amalgamation of the Ngwathe and Metsimaholo municipalities and to express discontent with the African National Congress (ANC) provincial Premier. This dissertation seeks to answer how and why youth in Zamdela engage in protest and how that impacts on their political participation including voting in elections. A mixed methods approach was utilised. Most information comes from interviews with young people (non-participants as well as well as those who joined the action), but use has also been made of documentary evidence, observation, interviews with older people, and some quantitative data that was also collected. It makes a contribution to our conceptualisation of youth in three ways. First it shows that young people in Zamdela tend to define the term experientially, emphasising social responsibility but also physical capacity. Secondly, a distinction is made between ‘older youth’ and ‘younger youth’. This is based mainly on political attitudes, and the dividing line is roughly between those born before and after 1990. Thirdly, I suggest the nearest similar word to ‘youth’ in Sesotho has different connotations to the English word. This highlights the need for take greater care with translation, because words are embedded in social experiences, and so provide clues to the way these vary. I provide the study of social conflict in South Africa with a detailed timeline of the action that occurred in Zamdela, thus offering a micro- sociological account that goes beyond journalistic reports. This includes a map showing the progress of the... , M.A. (Sociology)
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The response of the working class in Harare, Zimbabwe to hyper-inflation and the political crisis, 1997-2008
- Authors: Chagonda, Tapiwa
- Date: 2011
- Subjects: Working class - Social aspects - Zimbabwe - Harare , Inflation (Finance) - Social aspects - Zimbabwe - Harare , Inflation (Finance) - Political aspects - Zimbabwe - Harare , Unemployment - Effect of inflation on - Zimbabwe - Harare , Income - Effect of inflation on - Zimbabwe - Harare , Political persecution - Zimbabwe - Harare
- Language: English
- Type: Doctoral (Thesis)
- Identifier: http://hdl.handle.net/10210/84600 , uj:19240
- Description: The dissertation traces the responses by Harare's working class to the economic and political crisis that gripped Zimbabwe in the years 1997 to 2008. It starts with 'Black Friday' in 1997, which initiated a period of rising inflation culminating in the second worst hyper-inflation in world history, and ends with dollarisation. This was a period marked by rigged elections, notably in 2000 and 2008, and by considerable political repression. Drawing mainly on interview data, the repertoire of reactions is considered at three levels: unions, work and the household. A distinction is made between three kinds of response: workerism, partyism and survivalism. Combined with economic and political data this leads to a periodisation. First, from 1997-2000 there was a shift in the dominant response from workerism to partyism. Secondly, following failure by the unions and the Movement for Democratic Change (MDC) to respond effectively to the stolen election of 2000, and with a rapidly declining economy and bouts of state terror, there was a move towards survivalism. Thirdly, this became more pronounced during years of hyper-inflation, 2006-08. But, fourthly, survivalism failed to provide the solution to people's problems, and there was a return to partyism, with this feeding into the MDC's success in 2008 and, thus, to dollarisation. Finally, there are signs of a limited return to workerism in the period since 2008. Whilst there was significant numerical and organisational disintegration in the working class from 2000 onwards, this remained partial, with the unions contributing to the MDCs electoral gains in 2008. Accounts of the period that privilege survival strategies not only obscure other responses to the crisis, they also occlude an appreciation of the role of repression in atomising workers, thus reducing their options, and the significance of the failure of workerism and partyism in encouraging individualised responses. A more rounded view can also assist us in making sense of the outcome and implications of the 2008 elections, and along with it, moves that went beyond survival strategising. The dissertation considers the experiences of four groups of workers and shows how these differed greatly. Teachers stayed away from work, in large measure to save on travel costs and participate in cross-border trade; factory workers often benefited from non-salary and even non-monetary remuneration; the catering workers at times relied on small-scale deals in the informal sector; banking workers suffered less than other workers and were better placed to engage in financial scams. It is possible that this unevenness further undermined the possibility of unified action by workers... , D.Litt. et Phil. (Sociology)
- Full Text:
- Authors: Chagonda, Tapiwa
- Date: 2011
- Subjects: Working class - Social aspects - Zimbabwe - Harare , Inflation (Finance) - Social aspects - Zimbabwe - Harare , Inflation (Finance) - Political aspects - Zimbabwe - Harare , Unemployment - Effect of inflation on - Zimbabwe - Harare , Income - Effect of inflation on - Zimbabwe - Harare , Political persecution - Zimbabwe - Harare
- Language: English
- Type: Doctoral (Thesis)
- Identifier: http://hdl.handle.net/10210/84600 , uj:19240
- Description: The dissertation traces the responses by Harare's working class to the economic and political crisis that gripped Zimbabwe in the years 1997 to 2008. It starts with 'Black Friday' in 1997, which initiated a period of rising inflation culminating in the second worst hyper-inflation in world history, and ends with dollarisation. This was a period marked by rigged elections, notably in 2000 and 2008, and by considerable political repression. Drawing mainly on interview data, the repertoire of reactions is considered at three levels: unions, work and the household. A distinction is made between three kinds of response: workerism, partyism and survivalism. Combined with economic and political data this leads to a periodisation. First, from 1997-2000 there was a shift in the dominant response from workerism to partyism. Secondly, following failure by the unions and the Movement for Democratic Change (MDC) to respond effectively to the stolen election of 2000, and with a rapidly declining economy and bouts of state terror, there was a move towards survivalism. Thirdly, this became more pronounced during years of hyper-inflation, 2006-08. But, fourthly, survivalism failed to provide the solution to people's problems, and there was a return to partyism, with this feeding into the MDC's success in 2008 and, thus, to dollarisation. Finally, there are signs of a limited return to workerism in the period since 2008. Whilst there was significant numerical and organisational disintegration in the working class from 2000 onwards, this remained partial, with the unions contributing to the MDCs electoral gains in 2008. Accounts of the period that privilege survival strategies not only obscure other responses to the crisis, they also occlude an appreciation of the role of repression in atomising workers, thus reducing their options, and the significance of the failure of workerism and partyism in encouraging individualised responses. A more rounded view can also assist us in making sense of the outcome and implications of the 2008 elections, and along with it, moves that went beyond survival strategising. The dissertation considers the experiences of four groups of workers and shows how these differed greatly. Teachers stayed away from work, in large measure to save on travel costs and participate in cross-border trade; factory workers often benefited from non-salary and even non-monetary remuneration; the catering workers at times relied on small-scale deals in the informal sector; banking workers suffered less than other workers and were better placed to engage in financial scams. It is possible that this unevenness further undermined the possibility of unified action by workers... , D.Litt. et Phil. (Sociology)
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