Abstract
The notion of democracy in the African context has been met with interrogation and dubiety over its application and credibility (or practical merits). This is particularly with its comparison to Western liberal democracies and compatibility with traditional forms of African governance. This study investigates whether the amalgamation of liberal democracy and native forms of participation can realise the quality and sustainable model of African democracy; and whether this hybrid form of democracy can be thought of as a plausible consolidated model of democracy. To this end, Botswana provides reasonable grounds to investigate the synthesis of liberal democracy and traditional participatory governance insofar as it pertains to Africa and is thus used as the study's case study. Botswana often stands out as a good, sustainable democracy from both political and economic accounts. The question is how direct democracy and popular political participation contributed to the achievements or irregularities of Botswana's political system. Methodologically, the study engages a conceptual and analytical framework. The surveyed literature and analysis of crucial democracy indices such as the Afrobarometer database and the Ibrahim Index of African Governance (IIAG) provided salient inferences that ground the possibility and credibility of an amalgamated African traditional participatory governance and liberal democracy. Morlino's tool for empirical research on democratic qualities (TODEM) was used as a point of analysis, with political participation identified as the focus of the investigation. The study posits several propositions in this regard. First, an empirical and normative understanding of democracy is not necessarily limited to principles of 'rule by the people and popular initiatives directly instigated by the people’ (Athenian direct participatory perception), or pragmatic principles of elected officials representing or acting on behalf of the people (Western liberal perspective), nor an African nativist traditional position holding to principles of communalism, consensualism and consultations (African traditional 'democratic' position). Second, the qualities found in the respective types of democratic systems can be considered pathways towards an alternative perspective to understand an ideal type of democracy in the African context. Moreover, the flaws found in all systems singularly do not imply a romanticisation of the idea of a hybrid prototype of these systems as an iv ideal one. Therefore, the study does not support nor discard the conception of Botswana's exceptionality. It reasonably notes the case study’s distinctive growth patterns, open market triumphs, eclectic traditional and modern regime elements, and plausible free and fair political strides. In contrast, it observes the characteristics of elite democracy, property, institutional and gender inequalities, a top-down presidential system and a feeble parliament in a one dominant party system. These findings suggest that a unique type of African democracy can be realised if only it entails a critical evasion of the misconceptions of traditional African forms of governance. Furthermore, if one rigorously deduces the roots of the inadequacies inherent in Western liberal democracy and traditional African governance. The integration of valuable features found in Western liberal democracy and traditional African forms of government is crucial. This is conceivable; however, the circumvention of the flaws inherent in the respective types of democracies and after a merger of both relies on an enhanced idea of popular sovereignty and increased direct political participation. On this basis, Botswana exemplifies a competent model of a hybrid prototype of a good, sustainable quality democracy that harmoniously merges Western liberal democracy and a traditional African form of participatory governance.
M.A. (Politics)