Abstract
The late 1980s and early 1990s were characterised by an upsurge of multiparty elections in Africa. The need arose to have neutral arbiters, particularly from the international community, to observe whether elections conformed to national and international norms. This was also necessary for the development of democracy as most African countries were transitioning from one-party or military dictatorships to multiparty democracies. In Zimbabwe international election observation has become a particularly sensitive issue because of Zimbabwe’s strained relationships with some Western countries. Zimbabwe has conducted regular elections since independence in 1980. In the period 2000-2018, Zimbabwe conducted six presidential and national elections (in 2000, 2002, 2005, 2008, 2013 and 2018). The observation of these elections is characterised by a selective invitation of international election observers in contrast to a less stringent invitation of African observers and the production of (at times) differing election reports from international, continental, regional and local observers.
This study evaluates the politics of election observation in Zimbabwe and assesses the significance of election observation in the electoral process. It focuses on observer teams from Europe and the West (specifically the European Union and the Commonwealth observer teams); from the African continent (the African Union mission), regional observers, (the Southern African Development Community (SADC) Electoral Commissions Forum and the SADC Parliamentary Forum) and domestic observers (the Zimbabwe Electoral Support Network observer mission (ZESN). The period under review is 2000 (when election observation became a contentious issue) to 2018 (when elections were last held).
In this study “the politics of election observation” refers to: points of contention relating to the debate on the need for observation and the selective invitation of observers; the promotion of interests in shaping/determining election observation; the mandate and conduct of the observers; the challenges faced by election observation and observers; challenges surrounding the pre-election, election and post-election phases; the reasons for diverging assessments; the reaction of the Zimbabwean government to observer reports and the value of observer reports to the democratic process in Zimbabwe. This qualitative case study was guided by an analytical framework, which was drawn up from scholarly literature on election observation across the world. The study, based on an analysis of the literature, was complimented by purposively selected interviews with key informants. The aims of all observer missions were, amoung other things, to promote and consolidate democratic values; prevent/deter electoral related conflict; improve electoral standards; detect and prevent various forms of electoral malpractice; inform on the credibility, freeness, fairness and legitimacy of the electoral process and to contribute to political credibility and the acceptance of results of elections that have been conducted freely and fairly. All observer missions are guided by similar criteria and values which are underpinned by common guiding frameworks and best practices.
The study found that the observer missions reached consensus (after each election they monitored) on the recurring problems characterising elections in Zimbabwe over the years. These commonly noted problems are the prevalence of violence; a breakdown in the rule of law; curtailed civil and political liberties; the abuse of government resources and unbalanced media access and coverage. In addition, challenges relating to printing of ballot papers, their design, the storage and security of ballot boxes; the capacity and independence of the EMB; gender-based discrimination, the late availability of the voters’ roll for inspection and discrepancies on the voters’ roll were also highlighted. Some observers (the ZESN) were more detailed than their counterparts in highlighting electoral shortcomings. Over the same elections, there were differences in the tone and ultimately verdicts of the reports, with Western, European and domestic observers being more critical than the continental and regional observer missions. Political considerations aimed at promoting national/strategic interests; historical ties and regional loyalties based on solidarity, a common liberation history, a conception of African solutions to African problems and Pan-Africanism are the fundamental reasons accounting for diverging verdicts.
Recommendations made in observer reports led to very marginal changes in subsequent elections under former President Robert Mugabe. However, election observation continued as an advocacy function aimed at calling for positive change; raising citizen’s awareness of rights and as a pressure group to effect electoral reform. Therefore, while changes in subsequent elections under Mugabe were relatively absent, election observation still played a role in identifying and calling for change. Mugabe’s successor, President Emmerson Mnangagwa and his government showed greater political will to implement observer recommendations. Several legislative, political and administrative changes were noted to have occurred under Mnangagwa’s administration with a thrust towards re-engagement of Zimbabwe with the international community. These changes were lauded for opening up Zimbabwe’s democratic space.
This study is significant in that it contributes to a deeper understanding of the dynamics surrounding election observation in Zimbabwe. This is done through the development of a systematic and comprehensive analytical framework in an area largely negated by scholarly literature on elections in Zimbabwe.