Abstract
Abstract : This study assessed the role of Cameroon’s democracy-advocating Civil Society Organisations (CSOs) (both formal institutions and informal groupings) in promoting democracy since the first multiparty presidential and legislative elections held in 1992 (mindful of their former active role in the country’s transition to a multiparty system). In other words, it endeavoured to establish whether approximately 25 years after the first multiparty elections CSOs are playing a role in championing political reforms and if not, to ascertain the reasons for their lack of commitment to the democratic future of the country. This is a qualitative study consisting of a literature analysis as well as 42 semistructured personal interviews conducted from December 2017 to January 2018. In order to establish the current role of CSOs in promoting democracy in Cameroon, the study focused on various aspects, which in general has a bearing on the functioning and advocacy of CSOs as highlighted in the literature. These aspects also served as the analytical framework for this study. The study first assessed the state of democracy in Cameroon. Despite the fact that most of the formal requirements for democracy are contained in Cameroon’s Constitution, in practice, it falls short of meeting its essential elements. Besides abolishing his presidential term limit in 2008 by changing the Constitution, Biya, the president for 36 years, managed to sustain his power through patronage and clientelist networks, virtually exclusive control of political appointments and state institutions and on the other hand, by punishing detractors and curtailing political dissent. The Biya regime has considerable influence on the ability of CSOs to effectively play their role in the democratic process. It employs a variety of tactics to weaken and silence those that it regards with suspicion, which results in a restrictive environment for CSOs to operate in. On the one hand, Biya co-opts active civil society leaders into neo-patrimonial or patronage/clientelist networks and on the other, his government clamps down on perceived anti-establishment CSOs and civil society protests. CSOs are further weakened by the creation of ‘bogus’ CSOs to counter the influence of the ‘authentic’ CSOs in fostering democratic governance. Additionally, the anglophone/francophone crisis has created divisions within the CSOs, thus...
D.Litt. et Phil. (Political Studies)